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From: "Its from Onion" <areda..._at_msn.com>
Subject: PLEASE TAKE A SECOND TO READ THIS, it tells you what you lost
Date: Wed, 24 Feb 2010 01:25:59 -0600
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"If someone argues for constant surveillance, just nod and then follow them=
around. When they get up to go to the bathroom, follow them there.=20
If they ask what you're doing, say, "don't worry - you're not breaking any =
laws. If you have nothing to hide, then it shouldn't be a problem."
=20
That line of reasoning assumes the function of privacy is to hide something=
.=20
Privacy is a freedom, not a burglar's mask.
What is the USA=
PATRIOT Act?
Just six weeks after the September 11 attacks, a panicked Congress passed t=
he "USA/Patriot Act," an overnight revision of the nation's surveillance la=
ws that vastly expanded the government's authority to spy on its own citize=
ns, while simultaneously reducing checks and balances on those powers like =
judicial oversight, public accountability, and the ability to challenge gov=
ernment searches in court.
Why Congress passed the Patriot Act
Most of the changes to surveillance law made by the Patriot Act were part o=
f a longstanding law enforcement wish list that had been previously rejecte=
d by Congress, in some cases repeatedly. Congress reversed course because i=
t was bullied into it by the Bush Administration in the frightening weeks a=
fter the September 11 attack.=20
The Senate version of the Patriot Act, which closely resembled the legislat=
ion requested by Attorney General John Ashcroft, was sent straight to the f=
loor with no discussion, debate, or hearings. Many Senators complained that=
they had little chance to read it, much less analyze it, before having to =
vote. In the House, hearings were held, and a carefully constructed comprom=
ise bill emerged from the Judiciary Committee.=20
But then, with no debate or consultation with rank-and-file members, the Ho=
use leadership threw out the compromise bill and replaced it with legislati=
on that mirrored the Senate version. Neither discussion nor amendments were=
permitted, and once again members barely had time to read the thick bill b=
efore they were forced to cast an up-or-down vote on it. The Bush Administr=
ation implied that members who voted against it would be blamed for any fur=
ther attacks - a powerful threat at a time when the nation was expecting a =
second attack to come any moment and when reports of new anthrax letters we=
re appearing daily.=20
Congress and the Administration acted without any careful or systematic eff=
ort to determine whether weaknesses in our surveillance laws had contribute=
d to the attacks, or whether the changes they were making would help preven=
t further attacks. Indeed, many of the act's provisions have nothing at all=
to do with terrorism.
The Patriot Act increases the governments surveillance powers in four areas=
;
Records searches. It expands the government's ability to look at records on=
an individual's activity being held by a third parties. (Section 215)=20
Secret searches. It expands the government's ability to search private prop=
erty without notice to the owner. (Section 213)=20
Intelligence searches. It expands a narrow exception to the Fourth Amendmen=
t that had been created for the collection of foreign intelligence informat=
ion (Section 218).=20
"Trap and trace" searches. It expands another Fourth Amendment exception fo=
r spying that collects "addressing" information about the origin and destin=
ation of communications, as opposed to the content (Section 214).=20
1. Expanded access to personal records held by third parties
One of the most significant provisions of the Patriot Act makes it far easi=
er for the authorities to gain access to records of citizens' activities be=
ing held by a third party. At a time when computerization is leading to the=
creation of more and more such records, Section 215 of the Patriot Act all=
ows the FBI to force anyone at all - including doctors, libraries, bookstor=
es, universities, and Internet service providers - to turn over records on =
their clients or customers.
Unchecked power
The result is unchecked government power to rifle through individuals' fina=
ncial records, medical histories, Internet usage, bookstore purchases, libr=
ary usage, travel patterns, or any other activity that leaves a record. Mak=
ing matters worse:
The government no longer has to show evidence that the subjects of search o=
rders are an "agent of a foreign power," a requirement that previously prot=
ected Americans against abuse of this authority.
The FBI does not even have to show a reasonable suspicion that the records =
are related to criminal activity, much less the requirement for "probable c=
ause" that is listed in the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution. All the g=
overnment needs to do is make the broad assertion that the request is relat=
ed to an ongoing terrorism or foreign intelligence investigation.
Judicial oversight of these new powers is essentially non-existent. The gov=
ernment must only certify to a judge - with no need for evidence or proof -=
that such a search meets the statute's broad criteria, and the judge does =
not even have the authority to reject the application.
Surveillance orders can be based in part on a person's First Amendment acti=
vities, such as the books they read, the Web sites they visit, or a letter =
to the editor they have written.=20
A person or organization forced to turn over records is prohibited from dis=
closing the search to anyone. As a result of this gag order, the subjects o=
f surveillance never even find out that their personal records have been ex=
amined by the government. That undercuts an important check and balance on =
this power: the ability of individuals to challenge illegitimate searches.
Why the Patriot Act's expansion of records searches is unconstitutional
Section 215 of the Patriot Act violates the Constitution in several ways. I=
t:
Violates the Fourth Amendment, which says the government cannot conduct a s=
earch without obtaining a warrant and showing probable cause to believe tha=
t the person has committed or will commit a crime.=20
Violates the First Amendment's guarantee of free speech by prohibiting the =
recipients of search orders from telling others about those orders, even wh=
ere there is no real need for secrecy.
Violates the First Amendment by effectively authorizing the FBI to launch i=
nvestigations of American citizens in part for exercising their freedom of =
speech.=20
Violates the Fourth Amendment by failing to provide notice - even after the=
fact - to persons whose privacy has been compromised. Notice is also a key=
element of due process, which is guaranteed by the Fifth Amendment.=20
2. More secret searches
For centuries, common law has required that the government can't go into yo=
ur property without telling you, and must therefore give you notice before =
it executes a search. That "knock and announce" principle has long been rec=
ognized as a part of the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution.=20
The Patriot Act, however, unconstitutionally amends the Federal Rules of Cr=
iminal Procedure to allow the government to conduct searches without notify=
ing the subjects, at least until long after the search has been executed. T=
his means that the government can enter a house, apartment or office with a=
search warrant when the occupants are away, search through their property,=
take photographs, and in some cases even seize property - and not tell the=
m until later.=20
Notice is a crucial check on the government's power because it forces the a=
uthorities to operate in the open, and allows the subject of searches to pr=
otect their Fourth Amendment rights. For example, it allows them to point o=
ut irregularities in a warrant, such as the fact that the police are at the=
wrong address, or that the scope of the warrant is being exceeded (for exa=
mple, by rifling through dresser drawers in a search for a stolen car). Sea=
rch warrants often contain limits on what may be searched, but when the sea=
rching officers have complete and unsupervised discretion over a search, a =
property owner cannot defend his or her rights.=20
Finally, this new "sneak and peek" power can be applied as part of normal c=
riminal investigations; it has nothing to do with fighting terrorism or col=
lecting foreign intelligence.=20
3. Expansion of the intelligence exception in wiretap law
Under the Patriot Act, the FBI can secretly conduct a physical search or wi=
retap on American citizens to obtain evidence of crime without proving prob=
able cause, as the Fourth Amendment explicitly requires.
A 1978 law called the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) created =
an exception to the Fourth Amendment's requirement for probable cause when =
the purpose of a wiretap or search was to gather foreign intelligence. The =
rationale was that since the search was not conducted for the purpose of ga=
thering evidence to put someone on trial, the standards could be loosened. =
In a stark demonstration of why it can be dangerous to create exceptions to=
fundamental rights, however, the Patriot Act expanded this once-narrow exc=
eption to cover wiretaps and searches that DO collect evidence for regular =
domestic criminal cases.=20
FISA previously allowed searches only if the primary purpose was to gather =
foreign intelligence. But the Patriot Act changes the law to allow searches=
when "a significant purpose" is intelligence. That lets the government cir=
cumvent the Constitution's probable cause requirement even when its main go=
al is ordinary law enforcement.
The eagerness of many in law enforcement to dispense with the requirements =
of the Fourth Amendment was revealed in August 2002 by the secret court tha=
t oversees domestic intelligence spying (the "FISA Court"). Making public o=
ne of its opinions for the first time in history, the court revealed that i=
t had rejected an attempt by the Bush Administration to allow criminal pros=
ecutors to use intelligence warrants to evade the Fourth Amendment entirely=
. The court also noted that agents applying for warrants had regularly file=
d false and misleading information. That opinion is now on appeal.
4. Expansion of the "pen register" exception in wiretap law
Another exception to the normal requirement for probable cause in wiretap l=
aw is also expanded by the Patriot Act. Years ago, when the law governing t=
elephone wiretaps was written, a distinction was created between two types =
of surveillance. The first allows surveillance of the content or meaning of=
a communication, and the second only allows monitoring of the transactiona=
l or addressing information attached to a communication. It is like the dif=
ference between reading the address printed on the outside of a letter, and=
reading the letter inside, or listening to a phone conversation and merely=
recording the phone numbers dialed and received.
Wiretaps limited to transactional or addressing information are known as "P=
en register/trap and trace" searches (for the devices that were used on tel=
ephones to collect telephone numbers). The requirements for getting a PR/TT=
warrant are essentially non-existent: the FBI need not show probable cause=
or even reasonable suspicion of criminal activity. It must only certify to=
a judge - without having to prove it - that such a warrant would be "relev=
ant" to an ongoing criminal investigation. And the judge does not even have=
the authority to reject the application.
The Patriot Act broadens the pen register exception in two ways:
"Nationwide" pen register warrants
Under the Patriot Act PR/TT orders issued by a judge are no longer valid on=
ly in that judge's jurisdiction, but can be made valid anywhere in the Unit=
ed States. This "nationwide service" further marginalizes the role of the j=
udiciary, because a judge cannot meaningfully monitor the extent to which h=
is or her order is being used. In addition, this provision authorizes the e=
quivalent of a blank warrant: the court issues the order, and the law enfor=
cement agent fills in the places to be searched. That is a direct violation=
of the Fourth Amendment's explicit requirement that warrants be written "p=
articularly describing the place to be searched."
Pen register searches applied to the Internet
The Patriot Act applies the distinction between transactional and content-o=
riented wiretaps to the Internet. The problem is that it takes the weak sta=
ndards for access to transactional data and applies them to communications =
that are far more than addresses. On an e-mail message, for example, law en=
forcement has interpreted the "header" of a message to be transactional inf=
ormation accessible with a PR/TT warrant. But in addition to routing inform=
ation, e-mail headers include the subject line, which is part of the substa=
nce of a communication - on a letter, for example, it would clearly be insi=
de the envelope.=20
The government also argues that the transactional data for Web surfing is a=
list of the URLs or Web site addresses that a person visits. For example, =
it might record the fact that they visited "www.aclu.org" at 1:15 in the af=
ternoon, and then skipped over to "www.fbi.gov" at 1:30. This claim that UR=
Ls are just addressing data breaks down in two different ways:
Web addresses are rich and revealing content. The URLs or "addresses" of th=
e Web pages we read are not really addresses, they are the titles of docume=
nts that we download from the Internet. When we "visit" a Web page what we =
are really doing is downloading that page from the Internet onto our comput=
er, where it is displayed. Therefore, the list of URLs that we visit during=
a Web session is really a list of the documents we have downloaded - no di=
fferent from a list of electronic books we might have purchased online. Tha=
t is much richer information than a simple list of the people we have commu=
nicated with; it is intimate information that reveals who we are and what w=
e are thinking about - much more like the content of a phone call than the =
number dialed. After all, it is often said that reading is a "conversation"=
with the author.=20
Web addresses contain communications sent by a surfer. URLs themselves ofte=
n have content embedded within them. A search on the Google search engine, =
for example, creates a page with a custom-generated URL that contains mater=
ial that is clearly private content, such as:
http://www.google.com/search?=
hl=3Den&lr=3D&ie=3DUTF-8&oe=3DUTF-8&q=3Dsexual+orient<
http://www.google.com=
/search?hl=3Den&lr=3D&ie=3DUTF-8&oe=3DUTF-8&q=3Dsexual+orient>...
Similarly, if I fill out an online form - to purchase goods or register my =
preferences, for example - those products and preferences will often be ide=
ntified in the resulting URL.=20
The erosion of accountability
Attempts to find out how the new surveillance powers created by the Patriot=
Act were implemented during their first year were in vain. In June 2002 th=
e House Judiciary Committee demanded that the Department of Justice answer =
questions about how it was using its new authority. The Bush/Ashcroft Justi=
ce Department essentially refused to describe how it was implementing the l=
aw; it left numerous substantial questions unanswered, and classified other=
s without justification. In short, not only has the Bush Administration und=
ermined judicial oversight of government spying on citizens by pushing the =
Patriot Act into law, but it is also undermining another crucial check and =
balance on surveillance powers: accountability to Congress and the public.
Non-surveillance provisions
Although this fact sheet focuses on the direct surveillance provisions of t=
he Patriot Act, citizens should be aware that the act also contains a numbe=
r of other provisions. The Act:
Puts CIA back in business of spying on Americans. The Patriot Act gives the=
Director of Central Intelligence the power to identify domestic intelligen=
ce requirements. That opens the door to the same abuses that took place in =
the 1970s and before, when the CIA engaged in widespread spying on protest =
groups and other Americans.=20
Creates a new crime of "domestic terrorism." The Patriot Act transforms pro=
testers into terrorists if they engage in conduct that "involves acts dange=
rous to human life" to "influence the policy of a government by intimidatio=
n or coercion." How long will it be before an ambitious or politically moti=
vated prosecutor uses the statute to charge members of controversial activi=
st groups like Operation Rescue or Greenpeace with terrorism? Under the Pat=
riot Act, providing lodging or assistance to such "terrorists" exposes a pe=
rson to surveillance or prosecution. Furthermore, the law gives the attorne=
y general and the secretary of state the power to detain or deport any non-=
citizen who belongs to or donates money to one of these broadly defined "do=
mestic terrorist" groups.=20
Allows for the indefinite detention of non-citizens. The Patriot Act gives =
the attorney general unprecedented new power to determine the fate of immig=
rants. The attorney general can order detention based on a certification th=
at he or she has "reasonable grounds to believe" a non-citizen endangers na=
tional security. Worse, if the foreigner does not have a country that will =
accept them, they can be detained indefinitely without trial.
<
https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?pid=3D238394&op=3D1&view=3Dall&subj=3D3=
27259157009&aid=3D-1&auser=3D0&oid=3D327259157009&id=3D100000085124511>
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<DIV>
<DIV>"If someone argues for constant surveillance, just nod and then follow=
them=20
around. When they get up to go to the bathroom, follow them there. </DIV>
<DIV>If they ask what you're doing, say, "don't worry - you're not breaking=
any=20
laws. If you have nothing to hide, then it shouldn't be a problem."</DIV>
<DIV><BR> </DIV>
<DIV class=3Dcomments>That line of reasoning assumes the function of privac=
y is to=20
hide something. </DIV>
<DIV class=3Dcomments><FONT size=3D4>Privacy is a freedom, not a burglar's=
=20
mask</FONT>.<BR><BR></DIV>
<DIV> </DIV>
<DIV=20
align=3Dleft> &n=
bsp;  =
; &n=
bsp;  =
; Wh=
at=20
is the USA PATRIOT Act?<BR><BR>Just <STRONG>six weeks</STRONG> after the=20
September 11 attacks, a panicked Congress <STRONG>passed</STRONG> the=20
"USA/Patriot Act," an overnight revision of the nation's surveillance laws =
that=20
<STRONG>vastly expanded </STRONG>the government's authority to spy on its o=
wn=20
citizens, while simultaneously reducing checks and balances on those powers=
like=20
judicial oversight, public accountability, and the ability to challenge=20
government searches in court.<BR><BR>Why Congress passed the Patriot=20
Act<BR><BR>Most of the changes to surveillance law made by <STRONG>the Patr=
iot=20
Act were part of a longstanding law enforcement wish list that had been=20
previously rejected by Congress, in some cases repeatedly.</STRONG> Congres=
s=20
reversed course because it was bullied into it by the Bush Administration i=
n the=20
frightening weeks after the September 11 attack. <BR><BR>The Senate version=
of=20
the Patriot Act, which closely resembled the legislation requested by Attor=
ney=20
General John Ashcroft, was sent straight to the floor with no discussion,=
=20
debate, or hearings. Many <STRONG>Senators complained that they had little=
=20
chance to read it,</STRONG> much less analyze it, before having to vote. In=
the=20
House, hearings were held, and a carefully constructed compromise bill emer=
ged=20
from the Judiciary Committee. <BR><BR>But then, <STRONG>with no debate or=
=20
consultation with rank-and-file members, the House leadership threw out the=
=20
compromise bill and replaced it with legislation that mirrored the Senate=
=20
version. Neither discussion nor amendments were permitted</STRONG>, and onc=
e=20
again members barely had time to read the thick bill before they were force=
d to=20
cast an up-or-down vote on it. The Bush Administration implied that members=
who=20
voted against it would be blamed for any further attacks - a powerful threa=
t at=20
a time when the nation was expecting a second attack to come any moment and=
when=20
reports of new anthrax letters were appearing daily. <BR><BR>Congress and t=
he=20
Administration acted without any careful or systematic effort to determine=
=20
whether weaknesses in our surveillance laws had contributed to the attacks,=
or=20
whether the changes they were making would help prevent further attacks. In=
deed,=20
many of the act's provisions have nothing at all to do with=20
terrorism.<BR><BR>The Patriot Act increases the governments surveillance po=
wers=20
in four areas;<BR><BR><STRONG>Records searches</STRONG>. It expands the=20
government's ability to look at records on an individual's activity being h=
eld=20
by a third parties. (Section 215) <BR><BR><STRONG>Secret searches.</STRONG>=
It=20
expands the government's ability to search private property without notice =
to=20
the owner. (Section 213) <BR><BR><STRONG>Intelligence searches.</STRONG> It=
=20
expands a narrow exception to the Fourth Amendment that had been created fo=
r the=20
collection of foreign intelligence information (Section 218).=20
<BR><BR><STRONG>"Trap and trace" searches. </STRONG>It expands another Four=
th=20
Amendment exception for spying that collects "addressing" information about=
the=20
origin and destination of communications, as opposed to the content (Sectio=
n=20
214). <BR></DIV>
<DIV> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT size=3D3>1. Expanded access to personal records held by third=20
parties</FONT><BR><BR>One of the most significant provisions of the Patriot=
Act=20
makes it far easier for the authorities to gain access to records of citize=
ns'=20
activities being held by a third party. At a time when computerization is=
=20
leading to the creation of more and more such records, Section 215 of the=
=20
Patriot Act allows the FBI to force anyone at all - including doctors,=20
libraries, bookstores, universities, and Internet service providers - to tu=
rn=20
over records on their clients or customers.<BR><BR>Unchecked power<BR>The r=
esult=20
is unchecked government power to rifle through individuals' financial recor=
ds,=20
medical histories, Internet usage, bookstore purchases, library usage, trav=
el=20
patterns, or any other activity that leaves a record. Making matters=20
worse:<BR><BR>The government no longer has to show evidence that the subjec=
ts of=20
search orders are an "agent of a foreign power," a requirement that previou=
sly=20
protected Americans against abuse of this authority.<BR>The FBI does not ev=
en=20
have to show a reasonable suspicion that the records are related to crimina=
l=20
activity, much less the requirement for "probable cause" that is listed in =
the=20
Fourth Amendment to the Constitution. All the government needs to do is mak=
e the=20
broad assertion that the request is related to an ongoing terrorism or fore=
ign=20
intelligence investigation.<BR><BR>Judicial oversight of these new powers i=
s=20
essentially non-existent. The government must only certify to a judge - wit=
h no=20
need for evidence or proof - that such a search meets the statute's broad=
=20
criteria, and the judge does not even have the authority to reject the=20
application.<BR><BR>Surveillance orders can be based in part on a person's =
First=20
Amendment activities, such as the books they read, the Web sites they visit=
, or=20
a letter to the editor they have written. <BR>A person or organization forc=
ed to=20
turn over records is prohibited from disclosing the search to anyone. As a=
=20
result of this gag order, the subjects of surveillance never even find out =
that=20
their personal records have been examined by the government. That undercuts=
an=20
important check and balance on this power: the ability of individuals to=20
challenge illegitimate searches.<BR><BR>Why the Patriot Act's expansion of=
=20
records searches is unconstitutional<BR>Section 215 of the Patriot Act viol=
ates=20
the Constitution in several ways. It:<BR><BR>Violates the Fourth Amendment,=
=20
which says the government cannot conduct a search without obtaining a warra=
nt=20
and showing probable cause to believe that the person has committed or will=
=20
commit a crime. <BR>Violates the First Amendment's guarantee of free speech=
by=20
prohibiting the recipients of search orders from telling others about those=
=20
orders, even where there is no real need for secrecy.<BR>Violates the First=
=20
Amendment by effectively authorizing the FBI to launch investigations of=20
American citizens in part for exercising their freedom of speech. <BR>Viola=
tes=20
the Fourth Amendment by failing to provide notice - even after the fact - t=
o=20
persons whose privacy has been compromised. Notice is also a key element of=
due=20
process, which is guaranteed by the Fifth Amendment. <BR><BR><FONT size=3D3=
>2.=20
More secret searches</FONT><BR><BR>For centuries, common law has required t=
hat=20
the government can't go into your property without telling you, and must=20
therefore give you notice before it executes a search. That "knock and anno=
unce"=20
principle has long been recognized as a part of the Fourth Amendment to the=
=20
Constitution. <BR><BR>The Patriot Act, however, unconstitutionally amends t=
he=20
Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure to allow the government to conduct sear=
ches=20
without notifying the subjects, at least until long after the search has be=
en=20
executed. This means that the government can enter a house, apartment or of=
fice=20
with a search warrant when the occupants are away, search through their=20
property, take photographs, and in some cases even seize property - and not=
tell=20
them until later. <BR><BR>Notice is a crucial check on the government's pow=
er=20
because it forces the authorities to operate in the open, and allows the su=
bject=20
of searches to protect their Fourth Amendment rights. For example, it allow=
s=20
them to point out irregularities in a warrant, such as the fact that the po=
lice=20
are at the wrong address, or that the scope of the warrant is being exceede=
d=20
(for example, by rifling through dresser drawers in a search for a stolen c=
ar).=20
Search warrants often contain limits on what may be searched, but when the=
=20
searching officers have complete and unsupervised discretion over a search,=
a=20
property owner cannot defend his or her rights. <BR><BR>Finally, this new "=
sneak=20
and peek" power can be applied as part of normal criminal investigations; i=
t has=20
nothing to do with fighting terrorism or collecting foreign intelligence.=
=20
<BR><BR><FONT size=3D3>3. Expansion of the intelligence exception in wireta=
p=20
law<BR></FONT><BR>Under the Patriot Act, the FBI can secretly conduct a phy=
sical=20
search or wiretap on American citizens to obtain evidence of crime without=
=20
proving probable cause, as the Fourth Amendment explicitly requires.<BR><BR=
>A=20
1978 law called the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) created an=
=20
exception to the Fourth Amendment's requirement for probable cause when the=
=20
purpose of a wiretap or search was to gather foreign intelligence. The rati=
onale=20
was that since the search was not conducted for the purpose of gathering=20
evidence to put someone on trial, the standards could be loosened. In a sta=
rk=20
demonstration of why it can be dangerous to create exceptions to fundamenta=
l=20
rights, however, the Patriot Act expanded this once-narrow exception to cov=
er=20
wiretaps and searches that DO collect evidence for regular domestic crimina=
l=20
cases. <BR><BR>FISA previously allowed searches only if the primary purpose=
was=20
to gather foreign intelligence. But the Patriot Act changes the law to allo=
w=20
searches when "a significant purpose" is intelligence. That lets the govern=
ment=20
circumvent the Constitution's probable cause requirement even when its main=
goal=20
is ordinary law enforcement.<BR><BR>The eagerness of many in law enforcemen=
t to=20
dispense with the requirements of the Fourth Amendment was revealed in Augu=
st=20
2002 by the secret court that oversees domestic intelligence spying (the "F=
ISA=20
Court"). Making public one of its opinions for the first time in history, t=
he=20
court revealed that it had rejected an attempt by the Bush Administration t=
o=20
allow criminal prosecutors to use intelligence warrants to evade the Fourth=
=20
Amendment entirely. The court also noted that agents applying for warrants =
had=20
regularly filed false and misleading information. That opinion is now on=20
appeal.<BR><BR><FONT size=3D3>4. Expansion of the "pen register" exception =
in=20
wiretap law<BR></FONT><BR>Another exception to the normal requirement for=
=20
probable cause in wiretap law is also expanded by the Patriot Act. Years ag=
o,=20
when the law governing telephone wiretaps was written, a distinction was cr=
eated=20
between two types of surveillance. The first allows surveillance of the con=
tent=20
or meaning of a communication, and the second only allows monitoring of the=
=20
transactional or addressing information attached to a communication. It is =
like=20
the difference between reading the address printed on the outside of a lett=
er,=20
and reading the letter inside, or listening to a phone conversation and mer=
ely=20
recording the phone numbers dialed and received.<BR><BR>Wiretaps limited to=
=20
transactional or addressing information are known as "Pen register/trap and=
=20
trace" searches (for the devices that were used on telephones to collect=20
telephone numbers). The requirements for getting a PR/TT warrant are essent=
ially=20
non-existent: the FBI need not show probable cause or even reasonable suspi=
cion=20
of criminal activity. <STRONG><FONT color=3D#ff0000>It must only certify to=
a=20
judge - without having to prove it - that such a warrant would be "relevant=
" to=20
an ongoing criminal investigation. And the judge does not even have the=20
authority to reject the application.<BR></FONT></STRONG><BR>The Patriot Act=
=20
broadens the pen register exception in two ways:<BR><BR>"Nationwide" pen=20
register warrants<BR>Under the Patriot Act PR/TT orders issued by a judge a=
re no=20
longer valid only in that judge's jurisdiction, but can be made valid anywh=
ere=20
in the United States. This "nationwide service" further marginalizes the ro=
le of=20
the judiciary, because a judge cannot meaningfully monitor the extent to wh=
ich=20
his or her order is being used. In addition, this provision authorizes the=
=20
equivalent of a blank warrant: the court issues the order, and the law=20
enforcement agent fills in the places to be searched. That is a direct viol=
ation=20
of the Fourth Amendment's explicit requirement that warrants be written=20
"particularly describing the place to be searched."<BR><BR>Pen register sea=
rches=20
applied to the Internet<BR>The Patriot Act applies the distinction between=
=20
transactional and content-oriented wiretaps to the Internet. The problem is=
that=20
it takes the weak standards for access to transactional data and applies th=
em to=20
communications that are far more than addresses. On an e-mail message, for=
=20
example, law enforcement has interpreted the "header" of a message to be=20
transactional information accessible with a PR/TT warrant. But in addition =
to=20
routing information, e-mail headers include the subject line, which is part=
of=20
the substance of a communication - on a letter, for example, it would clear=
ly be=20
inside the envelope. <BR><BR>The government also argues that the transactio=
nal=20
data for Web surfing is a list of the URLs or Web site addresses that a per=
son=20
visits. For example, it might record the fact that they visited "www.aclu.o=
rg"=20
at 1:15 in the afternoon, and then skipped over to "www.fbi.gov" at 1:30. T=
his=20
claim that URLs are just addressing data breaks down in two different=20
ways:<BR><BR>Web addresses are rich and revealing content. The URLs or=20
"addresses" of the Web pages we read are not really addresses, they are the=
=20
titles of documents that we download from the Internet. When we "visit" a W=
eb=20
page what we are really doing is downloading that page from the Internet on=
to=20
our computer, where it is displayed. Therefore, the list of URLs that we vi=
sit=20
during a Web session is really a list of the documents we have downloaded -=
no=20
different from a list of electronic books we might have purchased online. T=
hat=20
is much richer information than a simple list of the people we have communi=
cated=20
with; it is intimate information that reveals who we are and what we are=20
thinking about - much more like the content of a phone call than the number=
=20
dialed. After all, it is often said that reading is a "conversation" with t=
he=20
author. <BR><BR><FONT color=3D#ff0000>Web addresses contain communications =
sent by=20
a surfer. URLs themselves often have content embedded within them. A search=
on=20
the Google search engine, for example, creates a page with a custom-generat=
ed=20
URL that contains material that is clearly private content, such as: </FONT=
><A=20
onmousedown=3D'UntrustedLink.bootstrap($(this), "e137966ebf7b76c6d7937dabc2=
8377da", event)'=20
title=3D
http://www.google.com/search?hl=3Den&lr=3D&ie=3DUTF-8&o=
e=3DUTF-8&q=3Dsexual+orient=20
href=3D"
http://www.google.com/search?hl=3Den&lr=3D&ie=3DUTF-8&o=
e=3DUTF-8&q=3Dsexual+orient"=20
target=3D_blank rel=3Dnofollow><FONT color=3D#ff0000><SPAN=20
title=3D"
http://www.google.com/search?hl=3Den&lr=3D&ie=3DUTF-8&=
oe=3DUTF-8&q=3Dsexual+orient CTRL + Click to follow link">
http://ww=
w.google.com/sear</SPAN><WBR><SPAN=20
class=3Dword_break></SPAN><SPAN>ch?hl=3Den&lr=3D&ie=3DUTF-8&oe=
=3DU</SPAN><WBR><SPAN=20
class=3Dword_break></SPAN>TF-8&q=3Dsexual+orient</FONT></A><FONT=20
color=3D#333333><FONT color=3D#ff0000>...</FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT color=3D#333333><FONT color=3D#ff0000><BR>Similarly, if I fill o=
ut an=20
online form - to purchase goods or register my preferences, for example - t=
hose=20
products and preferences will often be identified in the resulting URL.=20
<BR></FONT><BR>The erosion of accountability<BR><BR>Attempts to find out ho=
w the=20
new surveillance powers created by the Patriot Act were implemented during =
their=20
first year were in vain. In June 2002 the House Judiciary Committee demande=
d=20
that the Department of Justice answer questions about how it was using its =
new=20
authority. The Bush/Ashcroft Justice Department essentially refused to desc=
ribe=20
how it was implementing the law; it left numerous substantial questions=20
unanswered, and classified others without justification. In short, not only=
has=20
the Bush Administration undermined judicial oversight of government spying =
on=20
citizens by pushing the Patriot Act into law, but it is also undermining an=
other=20
crucial check and balance on surveillance powers: accountability to Congres=
s and=20
the public.<BR><BR>Non-surveillance provisions<BR><BR>Although this fact sh=
eet=20
focuses on the direct surveillance provisions of the Patriot Act, citizens=
=20
should be aware that the act also contains a number of other provisions. Th=
e=20
Act:<BR><BR>Puts CIA back in business of spying on Americans. The Patriot A=
ct=20
gives the Director of Central Intelligence the power to identify domestic=
=20
intelligence requirements. That opens the door to the same abuses that took=
=20
place in the 1970s and before, when the CIA engaged in widespread spying on=
=20
protest groups and other Americans. <BR><BR>Creates a new crime of "domesti=
c=20
terrorism." The Patriot Act transforms protesters into terrorists if they e=
ngage=20
in conduct that "involves acts dangerous to human life" to "influence the p=
olicy=20
of a government by intimidation or coercion." How long will it be before an=
=20
ambitious or politically motivated prosecutor uses the statute to charge me=
mbers=20
of controversial activist groups like Operation Rescue or Greenpeace with=
=20
terrorism? Under the Patriot Act, providing lodging or assistance to such=
=20
"terrorists" exposes a person to surveillance or prosecution. Furthermore, =
the=20
law gives the attorney general and the secretary of state the power to deta=
in or=20
deport any non-citizen who belongs to or donates money to one of these broa=
dly=20
defined "domestic terrorist" groups. <BR><BR>Allows for the indefinite dete=
ntion=20
of non-citizens. The Patriot Act gives the attorney general unprecedented n=
ew=20
power to determine the fate of immigrants. The attorney general can order=
=20
detention based on a certification that he or she has "reasonable grounds t=
o=20
believe" a non-citizen endangers national security. Worse, if the foreigner=
does=20
not have a country that will accept them, they can be detained indefinitely=
=20
without trial.</FONT><BR></DIV>
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Received on Sat Mar 02 2024 - 00:57:22 CST
