Wiretap army

From: James M. Atkinson <jm..._at_tscm.com>
Date: Sun, 22 Jan 2006 12:10:16 -0500

Editorial : Wiretap army

First posted 03:44am (Mla time) Jan 22, 2006
Inquirer

Editor's Note: Published on page A12 of the January 22, 2006 issue of
the Philippine Daily Inquirer

THE testimony we heard last Thursday, from the various witnesses
invited by the Senate to shed light on the wiretapping scandal, was
not revelatory. Even Sen. Rodolofo Biazon, chair of the Committee on
National Defense and Security, found himself virtually apologizing
for the hearing's "non-explosive" character.

But the information that came out from that hearing was confirmatory;
it validated (a) news stories disclosing the possible role of the
military's intelligence unit in targeted wiretapping operations, and
(b) growing public perception that military units were in fact
involved in partisan political activity.

The sound bite of the day belonged to ex-Commodore Rex Robles, who
was intimately involved in the tumultuous and ultimately failed
history of the Reform the Armed Forces Movement. "I'm here and I'm
sitting uncomfortably because, as we listen to the tapes or the
recordings, the more I feel that we have an intelligence agency that
has deteriorated, probably beyond repair." He was, of course,
referring to the Intelligence Service of the Armed Forces of the
Philippines, or Isafp.

His words carried considerably more weight than those of his fellow
RAM leader, the always articulate ex-Sen. Gregorio Honasan, if only
because he has successfully negotiated the transition to neutrality;
he is today a security expert, often sought for his security analyses.

By linking political influence and military conduct, Honasan actually
phrased the issue best: "It is grossly unfair-in fact, I think it is
criminal-for civilian authority or politicians to inflict this on an
institution that is mandated to be apolitical." But then, through the
backdoor of politically loaded language, he allowed partisanship to
enter the discussion: "Soldiers are not praetorian guards of any
individual or group. They are soldiers of the Filipino people." (He
could not have been unaware of the political resonance of that last sentence.)

In truth, most of the witnesses were from the political opposition:
Honasan, who handled the campaign security for the late movie icon
Fernando Poe Jr.; retired Gen. Rodolfo Canieso, who supported
presidential candidate Sen. Panfilo Lacson; and Mira Dumlao,
Honasan's secretary. The lopsidedness reflects the effect of
Executive Order No. 464, which prevents government or military
officials from testifying in Congress without the express approval of
the President. It also reflects the likely focus of the wiretapping
operation: the target, for the most part, was the opposition.

(How explain the wiretaps on ex-election commissioner Virgilio
Garcillano? The most plausible answer: He was suspected of playing
the field, and was tapped precisely to monitor his political loyalty.)

The Isafp has since denied any such wiretapping operation. Brig. Gen.
Marlu Quevedo, Isafp chief, said it was not even possible to tap
cellular phones. He said his unit's wiretapping capacity was
"limited" to land lines, the equipment for tapping mobile phones
being too expensive.

Now this is a definite improvement on the previous AFP claim that
Isafp has no wiretapping capacity at all. But it does not put paid to
the issue. Responding to the allegations by Marietta Santos-one of
Isafp agent Vidal Doble's mistresses and a witness in Thursday's
hearing-that she had seen just such a cellular phone interceptor in
the Isafp's "blue room," Quevedo inexplicably turned legalistic: "We
need evidence to prove that."

Either Isafp has the equipment, or it doesn't. "We" don't need a
lengthy adversarial process to know the truth. All we need is for
President Macapagal-Arroyo to allow Quevedo to appear before the
Senate committee, even if in executive session.

As it is, with only generic denials from Quevedo and the AFP's
spokesman, we are left contemplating a civil-rights nightmare: A
politicized (or mercenary) Isafp, preying on those who happen to be
on the wrong side. As it is, with the chief of the Isafp at the time
of the wiretaps promoted instead of being called to account, we are
left facing a national-security vulnerability: We have a military
unit that knows too much, and a political leadership held hostage by
that knowledge.






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