by Jeffrey Steinberg
May 27,
2003
The report provided a brief history: "The
Synarchist movement is an international movement
born after the Versailles Treaty, which was
financed and directed by certain financial
groups belonging to the top international
banking community. Its aim is essentially to
overthrow in every country, where they exist,
the parliamentary regimes which are considered
insufficiently devoted to the interests of these
groups and therefore, too difficult to control
because of the number of persons required to
control them.
"SME proposes therefore to substitute them by
authoritarian regimes more docile and more
easily manueverable. Power would be concentrated
in the hands of the CEOs of industry and in
designated representatives of chosen banking
groups for each country. In a word, the idea is
to give to each country a political constitution
and an appropriate national economic structure
organized for the following purposes:
"1. Place the political power directly into
the hands of chosen people and eliminate all
intermediaries. 2. Establish a maximum
concentration of industries and suppress all
unwarranted competition. 3. Establish an
absolute control of prices of all goods (raw
materials, semi-finished or finished goods). 4.
Create judicial and social institutions that
would prevent all extremes of action."...
In 1922, Count Richard
Coudenhove-Kalergi launched the Pan European
Union, at a founding convention in Vienna,
attended by more than 6,000 delegates. Railing
against the "Bolshevist menace" in Russia, the
Venetian Count called for the dissolution of all
the nation-states of Western Europe and the
erection of a single, European feudal state,
modeled on the Roman and Napoleonic empires.
"There are Europeans," Coudenhove-Kalergi
warned, who are "naïve enough to believe that
the opposition between the Soviet Union and
Europe can be bridged by the inclusion of the
Soviet Union in the United States of Europe.
These Europeans need only to glance at the map
to persuade themselves that the Soviet Union in
its immensity can, with the help of the
[Communist] Third International, very quickly
prevail over little Europe. To receive this
Trojan horse into the European union would lead
to perpetual civil war and the extermination of
European culture. So long, therefore, as there
is any will to survive subsisting in Europe, the
idea of linking the Soviet Union with Pan Europe
must be rejected. It would be nothing less than
the suicide of Europe."
Elsewhere, Coudenhove-Kalergi echoed the
contemporaneous writings of British Fabian
Roundtable devotees H.G. Wells and Lord Bertrand
Russell, declaring: "This eternal war can end
only with the constitution of a world
republic.... The only way left to save the peace
seems to be a politic of peaceful strength, on
the model of the Roman Empire, that succeeded in
having the longest period of peace in the west
thanks to the supremacy of his legions."
The launching of the Pan European Union was
bankrolled by the Venetian-rooted European
banking family, the Warburgs. Max Warburg, scion
of the German branch of the family, gave
Coudenhove-Kalergi 60,000 gold marks to hold the
founding convention. Even more revealing, the
first mass rally of the Pan European Union in
Berlin, at the Reichstag, was addressed by
Hjalmar Schacht, later the Reichsbank head,
Economics Minister and chief architect of the
Hitler coup. A decade later, in October 1932,
Schacht delivered a major address before another
PanEuropa event, in which he assured
Coudenhove-Kalergi and the others, "In three
months, Hitler will be in power.... Hitler will
create PanEuropa. Only Hitler can create
PanEuropa."
According to historical documents, Italy's
Fascist dictator Benito Mussolini was initially
skeptical about the PanEuropa idea, but was "won
over" to the scheme, following a meeting with
Coudenhove-Kalergi, during which, in the Count's
words, "I gave him a complete harvest of
Nietzsche's quotes for the United States of
Europe.... My visit represented a shift in the
behavior of Mussolini towards PanEuropa. His
opposition disappeared."
At the founding congress of the Pan European
Union in Vienna, the backdrop behind the podium
was adorned with portraits of the movement's
leading intellectual icons: Immanuel Kant,
Napoleon Bonaparte, Giuseppe Mazzini, and
Friedrich Nietzsche.
Bankers' Fascism
The pivotal role of Schacht in the Hitler
coup and in the Pan European Union, highlights a
critical dimension of the universal fascist
scheme: the top-down role of the financial
"overworld" and its banking technocrats. By all
historical accounts, Schacht was the architect,
in 1930, of the Bank for International
Settlements (BIS), along with the Bank of
England's Montagu Norman. Historian Carroll
Quigley, in his epic book, Tragedy and Hope—A
History of the World in Our Time (New York:
MacMillan Company, 1966), described the BIS
scheme to establish a dictatorship over world
finance:
"The powers of financial capital had another
far-reaching aim, nothing less than to create a
world system of financial control in private
hands able to dominate the political system of
each country and the economy of the world as a
whole. This system was to be controlled in a
feudalist fashion by the central banks of the
world acting in concert, by secret agreements
arrived at in frequent private meetings and
conferences. The apex of the system was to be
the Bank for International Settlements in Basle,
Switzerland, a private bank owned and controlled
by the world's central banks which were
themselves private corporations. Each central
bank, in the hands of men like Montagu Norman of
the Bank of England, Benjamin Strong of the New
York Federal Reserve Bank, Charles Rist of the
Bank of France, and Hjalmar Schacht of the
Reichsbank, sought to dominate its government by
its ability to control Treasury loans, to
manipulate foreign exchanges, to influence the
level of economic activity in the country, and
to influence cooperative politicians by
subsequent economic rewards in the business
world."
Quigley highlighted the role of Schacht's
closest ally in the BIS scheme, Bank of England
Governor Norman, who headed the privately owned
British institution for an unprecedented 24
years (1920-44). "Norman was a strange man,"
Quigley reported, "whose mental outlook was one
of successfully suppressed hysteria or even
paranoia. He had no use for governments and
feared democracy. Both of these seemed to him to
be threats to private banking, and thus to all
that was proper and precious in human life.
Strong-willed, tireless, and ruthless, he viewed
his life as a kind of cloak-and-dagger struggle
with the forces of unsound money which were in
league with anarchy and Communism."
Montagu Norman and Hjalmar Schacht
personified the banking overworld, that
bankrolled and installed Hitler and the Nazis in
power, in pursuit of their larger, universal
fascist scheme.
Even more damning were the profiles of
Schacht and Norman and their role in the Hitler
project, in The Hitler Book, by a
Schiller Institute research team, headed by
Helga Zepp-LaRouche (New York: New Benjamin
Franklin House, 1984):
"The BIS, nominally set up after the
breakdown of 'normal' international financial
relations in order to prevent a downward
spiraling of international payments, in fact
finished off the hapless Weimar Republic by its
stern refusal to come to the help of a virtually
bankrupt Germany in the crucial summer of 1931,
after the Danat Bank collapse had brought the
whole nation to its knees. Schacht, who had been
a member of the original BIS team and was to
return to its board from 1933 through 1938, had
been campaigning since his 1930 resignation as
head of the Reichsbank, for Anglo-American
support for a takeover by the NSDAP [Nazi Party]
and its leader, Herr Hitler. He had resigned on
March 7, 1930 and the BIS was formally
established in June. In September, he was off to
London and the United States, to 'sell' the Nazi
option to the Anglo-American leadership, notably
Bank of England governor and BIS director
Montagu Norman, and the already influential
Dulles brothers of Sullivan & Cromwell law
firm, one of America's most influential—and the
attorneys for IG Farben, and many other large
German companies and provincial governments.
Schacht's Hamburg friend and colleague,
patrician Nazi Gerhard Westrick, ran the
correspondent law firm to Dulles's in Germany."
On March 16, 1933, a grateful Hitler brought
Schacht back as head of the Reichsbank,
explained The Hitler Book. A year later, Schacht
was made Economics Minister. "Now, the BIS was
going to help the Third Reich—by 1939 it had no
less than several hundred million Swiss gold
francs invested in Germany. On the BIS board
were Baron Kurt von Schröder, by now a general
in the SS Death's Head Brigade; Dr. Hermann
Schmitz of IG Farben—whom Schacht had trained at
the imperial economics ministry from 1915
on—and, later, Hitler's two personal appointees,
Walter Funk and Emil Puhl of the Reichsbank."
File: 'Synarchist/Nazi-Communist'
The larger universal fascist schema, into
which the Norman-Schacht "Hitler project" fit,
was well known to leading American intelligence,
military, and diplomatic figures of the Franklin
Roosevelt era, who maintained exhaustive files
under such headings as
"Synarchist/Nazi-Communist."
U.S. government archives from the FDR era,
which were made available to EIR researchers,
feature extensive intelligence reports on the
international fascist plots, from the files of
the U.S. State Department; U.S. Army
Intelligence and Navy Intelligence; and the
Coordinator of Information (COI), and its
successor, the Office of Strategic Services
(OSS). These files are of immediate relevance
today, given the ongoing coup d'état in
Washington by the disciples of Leo Strauss,
Alexandre Kojève, and Carl Schmitt inside the
George W. Bush Administration. Kojève and
Schmitt were leading figures in the wartime
"Synarchist" conspiracy, and they personified
the perpetuation of that universal fascist plan
and apparatus into the postwar period.
Already, following EIR's lead, major American
and European newspapers have identified such
putschists as Paul Wolfowitz, Abram Shulsky,
William Kristol, John Ashcroft, Steve Cambone,
and Gary Schmitt as the offspring of the late
University of Chicago Prof. Leo Strauss;
Strauss, in turn, was the life-long collaborator
and promoter of Nazi jurist Carl Schmitt,
official Nazi philosopher and Nietzsche
revivalist Martin Heidegger, and French
Synarchist Alexandre Kojève—all unabashed
advocates of tyranny as the only appropriate
form of government. Although the May 4 Sunday
New York Times feature off-handedly mentions
Kojève as Strauss's colleague, without further
identification, all of the major media coverage
has been sanitized of any discussion of the
overtly fascist/Synarchist roots of the
Straussian creed.
Nevertheless, there are growing indications
that some elements within the U.S. political
institutions—particularly the military and
intelligence communities, which comprise an
important element of what Lyndon LaRouche refers
to as "the institution of the U.S.
Presidency"—are waking up to the cruel reality
that a small group of universal fascists has
seized the reins of power and is steering an
ill-equipped President George W. Bush, the
United States, and the rest of the world into a
maelstrom of perpetual war and chaos.
A timely review of the history of the
20th-Century Synarchists is, therefore, in
order, to enable those political circles already
shocked into action, to understand the nature of
the enemy, and exploit the greatest weakness of
these Straussian would-be putschists—their open
embrace of universal fascism, otherwise known as
"Synarchism."
The Langer Study
As EIR reported on May 9 ("Dick Cheney Has a
French Connection—To Fascism"), in 1947, OSS
veteran and Harvard Prof. William L. Langer
assembled the official history of the Roosevelt
Administration's dealings with Vichy France. Our
Vichy Gamble was based on an exhaustive review
of wartime archives, buttressed by interviews
with top American officials, including OSS head
Gen. William Donovan and President Franklin
Roosevelt himself.
Langer minced no words in discussing the
Synarchist circles in Vichy France. Referring to
Adm. Jean François Darlan, who, along with
Pierre Laval, was among the most notorious of
the Vichy collaborationists with the Nazis,
Langer wrote: "Darlan's henchmen were not
confined to the fleet. His policy of
collaboration with Germany could count on more
than enough eager supporters among French
industrial and banking interests—in short, among
those who even before the war, had turned to
Nazi Germany and had looked to Hitler as the
savior of Europe from Communism.... These people
were as good fascists as any in Europe.... Many
of them had long had extensive and intimate
business relations with German interests and
were still dreaming of a new system of
'synarchy,' which meant government of Europe on
fascist principles by an international
brotherhood of financiers and industrialists."
EIR is in possession of many of the documents
that Langer reviewed, in preparing Our Vichy
Gamble. They offer an in-depth study of a
fascist apparatus, whose European-wide tentacles
extended into France, Germany, Britain, Spain,
Italy, the Netherlands—and, across the Atlantic,
inside the United States. One particularly
revealing document, prepared by the Coordinator
of Information in November 1940, focussed on the
Synarchist strategy towards England and America.
The document was called, "Synarchie and the
Policy of the Banque Worms Group."
The unnamed author began, "In recent reports
there have been several references to the
growing political power of the Banque Worms
group in France, which includes amongst its
members such ardent collaborationists as Pucheu,
Benoist-Mechin, Leroy-Ladurie, Bouthillier, and
representatives of big French industrial
organizations." Under the subtitle, "Similarity
of aims of 'Synarchie' and Banque Worms," the
report continued, "The reactionary movement
known as 'Synarchie' has been in existence in
France for nearly a century. Its aim has always
been to carry out a bloodless revolution,
inspired by the upper classes, aimed at
producing a form of government by 'technicians,'
under which home and foreign policy would be
subordinated to international economy. The aims
of the Banque Worms group are the same as those
of 'Synarchie,' and the leaders of the two
groups are, in most cases, identical."
The "Banque Worms group" was closely allied
with the Lazard banking interests in Paris,
London, and New York, and with Royal Dutch
Shell's Henri Deterding. Hippolyte Worms, the
bank's founder, was one of 12 initial Synarchist
Movement of Empire (SME) members, according to
other French police and intelligence reports.
The report itemized the aims of the
Synarchists, as of August 1940: "to check any
new social schemes which might tend to weaken
the power of the international financiers and
industrialists; to work for the ultimate
complete control of all industry by
international finance and industry; to protect
Jewish and Anglo-Saxon interests; ... to take
advantage of Franco-German collaboration to
conclude a series of agreements with German
industries, thereby establishing a solid
community of interests between French and German
industrialists, which will tend to strengthen
the hands of international finance and industry;
... to effect a fusion with Anglo-Saxon industry
after the war."
The author of the COI study reported, "There
is reason to believe that both [Hermann] Göring
and Dr. [Walther] Funk are in sympathy with
these aspirations," and that "Some headway is
claimed to have been made in securing the
adhesion of big U.S. industry to the movement."
Beaverbrook and Hoare
The COI study's segment regarding "Policy in
regard to Great Britain," elaborated the
following Synarchist plan: "To bring about the
fall of the Churchill Government by creating the
belief in the country that a more energetic
government is needed to prosecute the war; it is
recognized that an effective means of creating
suspicion of the Government's efficiency would
be to induce the resignation of Lord
Beaverbrook; to bring about the formation of a
new Government including Sir Samuel Hoare, Lord
Beaverbrook and Mr. Hore-Belisha. (Note. The
source has added that in the Worms group it is
believed that those circles in Great Britain who
are favorably disposed to their plan, are most
critical of Mr. Churchill, Lord Halifax and
Captain Margesson.); through the medium of Sir
Samuel Hoare to bring about an agreement between
British industry and the Franco-German 'bloc';
to protect Anglo-Saxon interests on the
continent; to reach an agreement for the
cessation of the reciprocal bombing of
industrial centers. (Note. The source has added
that Göring is reputed to have signified his
entire approval of this project.)"
The naming of Lord Beaverbrook and Sir Samuel
Hoare, two leading figures in the British
Roundtable group, as Synarchist collaborators is
of great significance, indicating that American
intelligence, from no later than 1940, was
tracking the high-level British involvement in
the scheme for a postwar universal fascist
"Europe of the oligarchs," along precisely the
lines spelled out in Count Coudenhove-Kalergi's
"Synarchist" manifesto, founding the Pan
European Union. Indeed, other U.S. intelligence
wartime documents identified the PEU as a
project of the European Synarchist secret
brotherhood. The Synarchist Movement of Empire
(SME), according to various accounts in the
wartime U.S. files, was founded in 1917 or 1922,
and the first two major "projects" of the
Synarchists were Mussolini's March on Rome and
the launching of the Pan Europa movement.
Back on the British front: Sir Samuel Hoare
was a leading figure in British intelligence,
having been posted to Russia during the period
of the Bolshevik Revolution, where he had a
personal hand in the assassination of Grigori
Rasputin, after Rasputin had warned that Russian
participation in World War I would surely lead
to the fall of the Romanovs. Hoare was the
leading British military intelligence
case-officer for instigating the overthrow of
the Tsar and the Russian Revolution. He
personified the upper echelons of what U.S.
intelligence files characterized as the
"Synarchist/Nazi-Communist" group. In his
capacity as Foreign Secretary in 1935, he had
negotiated the Hoare-Laval agreement, by which
Great Britain and France mutually accepted
Mussolini's conquest by invasion of Abyssinia, a
major act of appeasement. He later served as
British ambassador to Francisco Franco's Spain,
and, according to several biographical accounts,
remained secretly on Lord Beaverbrook's payroll
as a policy advisor. Hoare, later "Lord
Templewood," was also a leading British promoter
of Frank Buchman and the Moral Rearmament
Movement, the antecedent to Rev. Sun Myung
Moon's Unification Church (see EIR, Dec. 20,
2002).
The case of Lord Beaverbrook (Max Aitken) has
even more profound and enduring implications,
given that two of the leading
financial-political propagandists for today's
neo-conservative revolution in Washington—press
magnates Lord Conrad Black and Rupert
Murdoch—are Beaverbrook protégés. The Australian
Murdoch, on graduating Oxford, did an
apprenticeship at Beaverbrook's London Daily
Express, which Murdoch referred affectionately
to as "Beaverbrook's brothel."
For Black, the connection ran deeper—through
the wartime British secret intelligence high
command. Conrad Black's father, George Montagu
Black, worked directly under the Beaverbrook
chain of command during World War II, when
Beaverbrook was Minister of Aircraft Production,
and when Black and Edward Plunkett Taylor ran
the Canadian front company War Supplies, Ltd.
out of the Willard Hotel in Washington,
coordinating all British-American-Canadian
military procurement arrangements. The $1.3
billion garnered by Taylor and Black from their
wartime "private" arms deals provided the seed
money for G.M. Black's postwar launching of the
Argus Corp., which, today, is the Hollinger
Corp. media cartel of Conrad Black.
Beaverbrook's transformation, from a leading
promoter of an Anglo-German alliance following
Hitler's takeover, to a leading war cabinet
official, following Hitler's attack on Britain,
was nothing short of miraculous. In 1935, when
Hoare had conducted the secret negotiations with
Laval, Beaverbrook had accompanied the Foreign
Secretary on the trip and conducted his own
back-channel work to assure positive media
coverage of the deal in both England and France.
That year, Beaverbrook traveled to Rome and
Berlin for personal meetings with Mussolini and
Hitler. A year later, Beaverbrook was the guest
of Hitler's Foreign Minister Joachim von
Ribbentrop, at the Munich Olympic Games.
But the most famous part that Beaverbrook
played in the Hitler saga, had to do with the
1933 Reichstag fire—the arson attack on the
Weimar Republic's parliament—which consolidated
Hitler's death grip on absolute power.
Beaverbrook had posted a trusted aide, Sefton
Delmer, in charge of his Daily Express press
bureau in Berlin, and Delmer had become a
confidant of Hitler, traveling with him on the
campaign trail during the 1933 elections. Delmer
was one of the first "journalists" to arrive as
the Reichstag burned, and his dispatch from the
scene—complete with exclusive interviews with
Hitler, Göring, and others—established the cover
for the actual Nazi authors of the terror
attack, which sealed Hitler's dictatorship.
Delmer, in a 1939 article recounting the
incident, stuck to his story, which countered
the majority of the world media coverage, and
blamed the fire on a communist—not on the Nazis.
Beaverbrook—even after his "Damascus road
conversion" to war cabinet minister—retained his
ties to the Nazi machine. When Nazi leader
Rudolph Hess parachuted into Scotland, in a
final vain effort to maintain the Anglo-Nazi
alliance against the Soviet Union, Beaverbrook
arranged a private prison interview with Hess.
Details of the session are still sketchy, but
one quote to emerge from the meeting, was Hess
telling Beaverbrook: "Hitler likes you a great
deal."
'Synarchism' Defined
Among the thousands of documents that EIR
obtained from the U.S. wartime archives was an
18-page French military intelligence report,
summarizing a 100-page dossier on the French
Synarchist groups, dated July 1941. The report
dealt with the Synarchist Movement of Empire
(SME), the Synarchist Revolutionary Convention
(SRC) and the Secret Committee of Revolutionary
Action (SCRA), the military leadership arm of
the SME, also known as the "Cagoulards" (the
"hooded ones").
The report provided a brief history: "The
Synarchist movement is an international movement
born after the Versailles Treaty, which was
financed and directed by certain financial
groups belonging to the top international
banking community. Its aim is essentially to
overthrow in every country, where they exist,
the parliamentary regimes which are considered
insufficiently devoted to the interests of these
groups and therefore, too difficult to control
because of the number of persons required to
control them.
"SME proposes therefore to substitute them by
authoritarian regimes more docile and more
easily manueverable. Power would be concentrated
in the hands of the CEOs of industry and in
designated representatives of chosen banking
groups for each country. In a word, the idea is
to give to each country a political constitution
and an appropriate national economic structure
organized for the following purposes:
"1. Place the political power directly into
the hands of chosen people and eliminate all
intermediaries. 2. Establish a maximum
concentration of industries and suppress all
unwarranted competition. 3. Establish an
absolute control of prices of all goods (raw
materials, semi-finished or finished goods). 4.
Create judicial and social institutions that
would prevent all extremes of action."
The dossier reported that, following failed
Cagoulard insurrections in 1934 and 1937, the
SME infiltrated all the economic and related
ministries of the French government, conducted
sabotage from within the regime, and set the
basis for the Vichy government of 1940, which
was dominated, from top to bottom, by Synarchist
secret society members. The report named 40 top
officials of the government of Marshal Henri
Philippe Pétain, who were all SME members.
The dossier repeatedly emphasized that the
French SME was but one component of an
international Synarchist apparatus, "organized
and financed in all countries by certain
elements of industrial CEOs and high banking
circles. Its objective on the international
level is to subvert all of the democratic
regimes in the world, and substitute them with
stronger governments, more docile and whose
leaders of command in each nation are
centralized in the hands of a number of
affiliates belonging to big business and
international banking interests which coordinate
their activities around the world." In France,
under the Vichy regime, noted the dossier, "the
main administrations of the country, have become
the arms of Bank Worms whose administrative
council controls all of the top administrators
of the state."
The Synarchists did not concentrate all their
efforts on infiltrating and controlling the
Vichy regime. A U.S. military intelligence
report, dated July 27, 1944, from the military
attaché in Algiers, warned of Synarchist
penetration of the upper echelons of the Free
French government of Gen. Charles de Gaulle,
headquartered in Algeria. "Some of the oldest
and formerly most faithful supporters of General
de Gaulle are worried by what they call a
tendency to let 'Synarchism' penetrate even the
highest brackets of the Algiers Administration,"
the report began. "It is believed that General
de Gaulle up to recently, opposed Synarchism,
which is a strongly reactionary movement,
financed by the Haute Banque. He has even
ordered a confidential study to be made on the
subject, a copy of which has been seen by
American officers." The report concluded, "If it
is a fact that many individuals who are holding
positions of importance in the cabinet and the
immediate entourage of General de Gaulle, are
also closely associated with political ideas
alien to the program which de Gaulle and his
government publicly endorse, then far-reaching
political inferences may be drawn." Of course, a
decade later, leading wartime "Gaullist" Jacques
Soustelle would launch the Secret Army
Organization (OAS), which would be responsible
for repeated assassination attempts against de
Gaulle, and would be implicated in the Permindex
assassination of President John F. Kennedy.
While it is not certain that Soustelle was a
wartime member of the Synarchist plot, it is
certain, from French and American government
records, that one leading Synarchist operative
infiltrated into the de Gaulle Free French camp
was Robert Marjolin, one of Alexandre Kojève's
prize student/protégés of his 1933-39 courses on
Hegel, Nietzsche, and the "end of history."
Marjolin became Minister of Economy in the first
de Gaulle postwar government, and he immediately
brought Kojève into the ministry.
The Cult of Napoleon
At its core, the Synarchist
international—like its front group Pan European
Union—sought to create a one-world tyranny,
modeled on the reign of Napoleon Bonaparte. The
first "Synarchist" text was written in the 1860s
by Joseph Alexandre Saint-Yves d'Alveydre
(1842-1909), an occultist and follower of
Napoleon Bonaparte's own mystical advisor,
Antoine Fabre d'Olivet (1767-1825). Fabre
d'Olivet had started out as a leading member of
the Jacobins, participating personally in the
foiled assassination plot against King Louis XVI
in 1789. He later served as a top official of
the Interior and War Ministries under Napoleon
Bonaparte. His occult writings about "purgative
violence" and the "will to power"—antecedents of
the works of Nietzsche—were adopted by
Saint-Yves d'Alveydre, who launched the idea of
Synarchism as a counter to the anarchy that had
destabilized all of Europe, from 1648.
Saint-Yves' successor, Gerard Vincent
Encausse ("Papus"), founded the Saint-Yves
School of Occult Sciences, and began a
recruiting drive for a secret society, which he
called the Synarchy Government. In his 1894 book
Anarchie, Indolence & Synarchie, Papus
spelled out an ambitious scheme to recruit all
of the leaders of industry, commerce, finance,
the military, and academia, to a single power
scheme, aimed at destroying the "internal
microbe" of society, anarchy.
Both Saint-Yves and Papus envisioned a global
Synarchist empire, divided into five geographic
areas: 1. the British Empire; 2. Euro-Africa; 3.
Eurasia; 4. Pan-America; 5. Asia. Indeed,
Alexandre Kojève is identified in Russian
sources as a leader of the so-called
"Eurasians," a group of Russian emigrés in the
1920s Berlin and Paris, led by Sir Samuel
Hoare's Guchkov and tied into the Soviet secret
service project called "the Trust." The
"Eurasians" welcomed the Russian Revolution as a
purgative force to wipe out corrupt Western
civilization. Kojève's own cosmology of great
tyrants counted Josef Stalin and Adolf Hitler as
second only to Napoleon, in achieving the "end
of history" goal of a true global tyranny.
Strauss, Kojève, Schmitt, and Schacht
While none of the American archive documents
reviewed to date by EIR identify Nazi jurist
Carl Schmitt as a Synarchist, circumstantial
evidence points to that conclusion. Schmitt was
an emissary to Spain, Portugal, France, and
Italy, during the height of fascism, turning out
a series of juridical documents, justifying the
jackboot tyrannies. Schmitt was a protected
asset of Göring, the leading Synarchist figure
in Nazi Germany. Like the banker Hjalmar
Schacht, Schmitt was cleared of war crimes by
the Nuremberg Tribunals.
In effect, as documented in The Hitler Book,
Schacht blackmailed the Tribunal, by
aggressively asserting that he was only acting
on behalf of the international financial
establishment, represented by the Bank for
International Settlements, in his incarnation as
a top Nazi official. If backed against a wall,
he threatened, he would provide evidence of the
international financial cabal behind the "Hitler
project." Schacht was acquitted, over the
strenuous objections of both the American and
Soviet judges. In effect, the perpetrators of
the Nazi Holocaust were brought to justice at
Nuremberg, while the architects of the larger
Synarchist scheme, like Schacht and Leo Strauss'
mentor Carl Schmitt, were given a safe conduct,
and, through the efforts of postwar occupation
figures like John J. McCloy and Gen. William
Draper, were vetted for future service.
A final note: In 1955, Schmitt was
corresponding with Kojève, arranging for the
Paris-based Russian emigré to address the
Düsseldorf industrialists' association—which had
been a focal point of Franco-German "Synarchist"
collaboration between the Nazi and Vichy
governments—and meet, during that visit, with
Schmitt's close friend Schacht.
It was this Kojève who maintained the closest
collaboration with Leo Strauss, and who promoted
his theories of purgative violence and universal
tyranny with such leading Strauss disciples as
Allan Bloom (the mentor of Deputy Defense
Secretary Paul Wolfowitz) and Francis Fukuyama.
This Synarchist stew remains Vice President Dick
Cheney's gang's "French Connection."
—Al and Rachel Douglas, Katherine Kantor,
Pierre and Irene Boudry, Anton Chaitkin,
Stephanie Ezrol, Helga Zepp-LaRouche, and
Barbara Boyd contributed vital research to this
article.
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