CHICAGO--(BUSINESS WIRE)--Thank you so much
for your kind introduction and the invitation to meet with you this
morning.
Last week, this event was described to me
as a small gathering of friends. Looking at all of you here
today; seeing so many of you who care about peace in this world; who
care about a strong and lasting friendship between Israel and the
United States, and who care about what's on
the next page of our shared futures, I think "a small gathering of
friends" fits this crowd just right.
I want to begin today by telling you a
story.
Back in January of 2006, I made my first trip to the Holy Land.
It is a place unlike any other on this earth - a place filled with
so much promise of what we truly can be as people; a place where
we've learned how in a flash, violence and hatred and intolerance
can turn that promise to rubble and send too many lives to their
early graves.
Most will travel to the holy sites: the
Church of the Holy Sepulcher, the Dome of the Rock or the Western
Wall. They make a journey to be humbled before God. I too am blessed
to have seen Israel this way, up close and on the ground.
But I am also fortunate to have seen Israel from the air.
On my journey that January day, I
flew on an IDF helicopter to the border zone.
The helicopter took us over the most troubled and dangerous areas
and that narrow strip between the West Bank and the Mediterranean
Sea. At that height, I could see the hills and the terrain that
generations have walked across. I could truly see how close
everything is and why peace through security is the only way for
Israel.
Our helicopter landed in the town of Kiryat Shmona on the border.
What struck me first about the village was how familiar it looked.
The houses and streets looked like ones you might find in a suburb
in America. I could imagine young children riding their bikes down
the streets. I could imagine the sounds of their joyful play just
like my own daughters. There were cars in the driveway. The shrubs
were trimmed. The families were living their lives.
Then, I saw a house that had been
hit with one of Hezbollah's Katyusha rockets.
The family who lived in the house
was lucky to be alive. They had been asleep in
another part when the rocket hit. They described the explosion. They
talked about the fire and the shrapnel. They spoke about what might
have been if the rocket had come screaming into their home at
another time when they weren't asleep but sitting peacefully in the
now destroyed part of the house.
It is an experience I keep close to my
heart. Not because it is unique, but because we know that too many
others have seen the same kind of destruction, have lost their loved
ones to suicide bombers and live in fear of when the next attack
might hit. Just six months after I visited, Hezbollah
launched four thousand rocket attacks just like the one that
destroyed the home in Kiryat Shmona, and kidnapped Israeli service
members. And we pray for all of the service members who have been
kidnapped: Gilad Shalit, Eldad Regev, and Ehud Goldwasser, and I met
with his family this week. I offered to help in any way I can.
It is important to remember this
history--that Israel had unilaterally withdrawn from Lebanon only to
have Iran supply Hezbollah with thousands of rockets.
Our job is to never forget that the threat
of violence is real. Our job is to renew the United States' efforts
to help Israel achieve peace with its neighbors while remaining
vigilant against those who do not share this vision. Our job is to
do more than lay out another road map; our job is to rebuild the
road to real peace and lasting security throughout the region.
That effort begins with a clear and
strong commitment to the security of Israel: our strongest ally in
the region and its only established democracy.
That will always be my starting point. And when we see all of the
growing threats in the region: from Iran to Iraq to the resurgence
of al-Qaeda to the reinvigoration of Hamas and Hezbollah, that
loyalty and that friendship will guide me as we begin to lay the
stones that will build the road that takes us from the current
instability to lasting peace and security.
It won't be easy. Some of those stones will
be heavy and tough for the United States to carry. Others with be
heavy and tough for Israel to carry. And even more will be difficult
for the world. But together, we will begin again.
One of the heavy stones that currently rest
at the United States' feet is Iraq. Until we lift this burden from
our foreign policy, we cannot rally the world to our values and
vision.
As many of you know, I opposed this war
from the beginning - in part because I believed that giving this
President the open-ended authority to invade Iraq would lead to the
open-ended occupation we find ourselves in today.
Now our soldiers find themselves in the
crossfire of someone else's civil war. More than 3,100 have given
the last full measure of devotion to their country. This war has
fueled terrorism and helped galvanize terrorist organizations. And
it has made the world less safe.
That is why I advocate a phased
redeployment of U.S. troops out of Iraq to begin no later than May
first with the goal of removing all combat forces from Iraq by March
2008. In a civil war where no military solution exists, this
redeployment remains our best leverage to pressure the Iraqi
government to achieve the political settlement between its warring
factions that can slow the bloodshed and promote stability.
My plan also allows for a limited number of U.S. troops to remain
and prevent Iraq from becoming a haven for international terrorism
and reduce the risk of all-out chaos. In addition, we will redeploy
our troops to other locations in the region, reassuring our allies
that we will stay engaged in the Middle East.
And my plan includes a robust regional diplomatic strategy that
includes talking to Syria and Iran - something this Administration
has finally embraced.
The U.S. military has performed valiantly
and brilliantly in Iraq. Our troops have done all that we have asked
them to do and more. But a consequence of the Administration's
failed strategy in Iraq has been to strengthen Iran's strategic
position; reduce U.S. credibility and influence in the region; and
place Israel and other nations friendly to the United States in
greater peril. These are not the signs of a well-paved road. It is
time for profound change.
As the U.S. redeploys from Iraq, we can
recapture lost influence in the Middle East. We can refocus our
efforts to critical, yet neglected priorities, such as combating
international terrorism and winning the war in Afghanistan. And we
can, then, more effectively deal with one of the greatest threats to
the United States, Israel and world peace: Iran.
Iran's President Ahmadinejad's regime is a threat to all of us.
His words contain a chilling echo of some of the world's most tragic
history.
Unfortunately, history has a terrible way
of repeating itself. President Ahmadinejad has denied the
Holocaust. He held a conference in his
country, claiming it was a myth. But we know the Holocaust was as
real as the 6 million who died in mass graves at Buchenwald,
or the cattle cars to Dachau or whose ashes clouded the sky at
Auschwitz. We have seen the pictures. We have
walked the halls of the Holocaust museum in Washington and Yad
Vashem. We have touched the tattoos on loved-ones arms. After 60
years, it is time to deny the deniers.
In the 21st century, it is unacceptable
that a member state of the United Nations would openly call for the
elimination of another member state. But that is exactly what he has
done. Neither Israel nor the United States has the luxury of
dismissing these outrages as mere rhetoric.
The world must work to stop Iran's uranium
enrichment program and prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons.
It is far too dangerous to have nuclear weapons in the hands of a
radical theocracy. And while we should take no option, including
military action, off the table, sustained and aggressive diplomacy
combined with tough sanctions should be our primary means to prevent
Iran from building nuclear weapons.
Iranian nuclear weapons would destabilize
the region and could set off a new arms race. Some nations in the
region, such as Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Turkey, could fall away from
restraint and rush into a nuclear contest that could fuel greater
instability in the region--that's not just bad for the Middle East,
but bad for the world, making it a vastly more dangerous and
unpredictable place. Other nations would feel great pressure to
accommodate Iranian demands. Terrorist groups with Iran's backing
would feel emboldened to act even more brazenly under an Iranian
nuclear umbrella. And as the A.Q. Kahn network in Pakistan
demonstrated, Iran could spread this technology around the world.
To prevent this worst-case scenario, we
need the United States to lead tough-minded diplomacy.
This includes direct engagement with Iran
similar to the meetings we conducted with the Soviets at the height
of the Cold War, laying out in clear terms our principles and
interests. Tough-minded diplomacy would include real leverage
through stronger sanctions. It would mean more determined U.S
diplomacy at the United Nations. It would mean harnessing the
collective power of our friends in Europe who are Iran's major
trading partners. It would mean a cooperative strategy with Gulf
States who supply Iran with much of the energy resources it needs.
It would mean unifying those states to recognize the threat of Iran
and increase pressure on Iran to suspend uranium enrichment. It
would mean full implementation of U.S. sanctions laws. And over the
long term, it would mean a focused approach from us to finally end
the tyranny of oil, and develop our own alternative sources of
energy to drive the price of oil down.
We must also persuade other nations such as
Saudi Arabia to recognize common interests with Israel in dealing
with Iran. We should stress to the Egyptians that they help the
Iranians and do themselves no favors by failing to adequately
prevent the smuggling of weapons and cash by Iran into Gaza.
The United States' leverage is strengthened
when we have many nations with us. It puts us in a place where
sanctions could actually have a profound impact on Iran's economy.
Iran is highly dependent on imports and foreign investment, credit
and technology. And an environment where our allies see that these
types of investments in Iran are not in the world's best interests,
could help bring Iran to the table.
We have no quarrel with the Iranian people.
They know that President Ahamadinejad is reckless,
irresponsible, and inattentive to their
day-to-day needs which is why they sent him a rebuke at the ballot
box this fall. And we hope more of them will speak out. There is
great hope in their ability to see his hatred for what it is: hatred
and a threat to peace in the region.
At the same time, we must preserve our
total commitment to our unique defense relationship with Israel by
fully funding military assistance and continuing work on the Arrow
and related missile defense programs. This
would help Israel maintain its military edge and deter and repel
attacks from as far as Tehran and as close as Gaza.
And when Israel is attacked, we must stand
up for Israel's legitimate right to defend itself. Last summer,
Hezbollah attacked Israel. By using Lebanon as an outpost for
terrorism, and innocent people as shields, Hezbollah has also
engulfed that entire nation in violence and conflict, and threatened
the fledgling movement for democracy there. That's why we have to
press for enforcement of U.N. Security Council Resolution 1701,
which demands the cessation of arms shipments to Hezbollah, a
resolution which Syria and Iran continue to disregard. Their support
and shipment of weapons to Hezbollah and Hamas, which threatens the
peace and security in the region, must end.
These are great challenges that we face.
And in moments like these, true allies do not walk away. For six
years, the administration has missed opportunities to increase the
United States' influence in the region and help Israel achieve the
peace she wants and the security she needs. The time has come for us
to seize those opportunities.
The Israeli people, and Prime Minister
Olmert, have made clear that they are more than willing to negotiate
an end to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict that will result in two
states living side by side in peace and security. But the Israelis
must trust that they have a true Palestinian partner for peace. That
is why we must strengthen the hands of Palestinian moderates who
seek peace and that is why we must maintain the isolation of Hamas
and other extremists who are committed to Israel's destruction.
The U.S. and our partners have put before
Hamas three very simple conditions to end this isolation: recognize
Israel's right to exist; renounce the use of violence; and abide by
past agreements between Israel and the Palestinian Authority.
We should all be concerned about the
agreement negotiated among Palestinians in Mecca last month. The
reports of this agreement suggest that Hamas, Fatah, and independent
ministers would sit in a government together, under a Hamas Prime
Minister, without any recognition of Israel, without a renunciation
of violence, and with only an ambiguous promise to "respect"
previous agreements.
This should concern us all because it
suggests that Mahmoud Abbas, who is a Palestinian leader I
believe is committed to peace, felt forced to
compromise with Hamas. However, if we are serious about the
Quartet's conditions, we must tell the Palestinians this is not good
enough.
But as I said at the outset, Israel will
have some heavy stones to carry as well. Its history has been full
of tough choices in search of peace and security.
Yitzhak Rabin had the vision to reach out
to longtime enemies. Ariel Sharon had the determination to lead
Israel out of Gaza. These were difficult, painful decisions that
went to the heart of Israel's identity as a nation.
Many Israelis I talked to during my visit
last year told me that they were prepared to make sacrifices to give
their children a chance to know peace. These were people of courage
who wanted a better life. And I know these are difficult times and
it can be easy to lose hope. But we owe it to our sons and
daughters, our mothers and fathers, and to all those who have
fallen, to keep searching for peace and security -- even though it
can seem distant. This search is in the best interests of Israel. It
is in the best interests of the United States. It is in the best
interests of all of us.
We can and we should help Israelis and
Palestinians both fulfill their national goals: two states living
side by side in peace and security. Both the Israeli and Palestinian
people have suffered from the failure to achieve this goal. The
United States should leave no stone unturned in working to make that
goal a reality.
But in the end, we also know that we should
never seek to dictate what is best for the Israelis and their
security interests. No Israeli Prime Minister should ever feel
dragged to or blocked from the negotiating table by the United
States.
We must be partners - we must be active
partners. Diplomacy in the Middle East cannot be done on the cheap.
Diplomacy is measured by patience and effort. We cannot continue to
have trips consisting of little more than photo-ops with little
movement in between. Neither Israel nor the U.S. is served by this
approach.
Peace with security. That is the Israeli
people's overriding wish.
It is what I saw in the town of Fassouta on
the border with Lebanon.
There are 3,000 residents of different
faiths and histories. There is a community center supported by
Chicago's own Roman Catholic Archdiocese and the Jewish Federation
of Metro Chicago. It is where the education of the next generation
has begun: in a small village, all faiths and nationalities, living
together with mutual respect.
I met with the people from the village and
they gave me a tour of this wonderful place. There was a moment when
the young girls came in and they played music and began to dance.
After a few moments, I thought about my own
daughters, Sasha and Malia and how they too could dream and dance in
a place like this: a place of renewal and restoration. Proof, that
in the heart of so much peril, there were signs of life and hope and
promise--that the universal song for peace plays on.
Thank you.
