
McCurtain Gazette
Southern Poverty Law Center
tracked bomb plot around the globe
By J.D. Cash and Lt. Colonel Roger Charles (U.S.M.C.
retired)
Newly released documents received by a Salt Lake City attorney in his suit
against the Oklahoma City FBI office provide the strongest evidence yet that
the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) has been conducting a well-orchestrated
cover-up of evidence linking Timothy McVeigh to subjects that frequented, and
in some cases resided, at an eastern Oklahoma paramilitary compound called
Elohim
City.
At the center of this cabal were numerous informants. At least two of those
providing critical information about the
Elohim
City conspiracy reported to a tax-exempt civil rights group, the Southern
Poverty Law Center (SPLC),
headed by Morris Dees.
Perhaps even more surprising is evidence in these 87 pages released by DOJ on
behalf of the FBI and the Oklahoma City FBI office, is documentation showing
that top FBI agents assigned the bombing case lacked authority to conduct
interviews at Elohim
City or to go after a leading suspect in the case, Andreas Carl
Strassmeir,
also known as "Andy the German."
While the state's media ignored (and some even attacked) evidence this
newspaper presented nine years ago linking McVeigh, Terry Nichols and Mike
Fortier to Strassmeir
and other radicals at Elohim
City, these new but heavily redacted documents should provide a starting point
for a real investigation into the horrific crime and apparent government
sponsored cover-up.
Trentadue suit
After months of legal wrangling in a Salt Lake City courtroom, the DOJ
reluctantly turned over 17 FBI-generated documents Friday, to the plaintiff in
a Freedom Of Information Act (FOIA)
lawsuit n Jesse C. Trentadue.
Trentadue,
a well-respected Salt Lake City lawyer whose client list is made up of members
of the insurance industry, became embroiled in the Oklahoma City bombing case
after his brother was found beaten to death in his jail cell at the Oklahoma
City Federal Transfer Center in August 1995.
Initially, the federal government ruled Kenny
Trentadue's
death a suicide, in spite of many indications that pointed to his having been
beaten to death. The Trentadue
family and local investigators tried to obtain definitive proof of his murder,
but were thwarted by actions of FBI and Bureau of Prison employees who
allegedly destroyed evidence in the case.
After information was passed to him from an intermediary serving time at a
Terre Haute, Ind., federal prison with McVeigh, Jesse
Trentadue
sought evidence of his brother's death inside the
OKBOMB
investigation files.
McVeigh's message offered an explanation as to why such extreme measures had
been undertaken by federal officials: Kenny
Trentadue
was tortured by federal agents who may have mistakenly thought he was a member
of the bombing conspiracy.
With this tenuous lead from McVeigh, the dead man's brother filed a
FOIA
request for documents that could shed light on his brother's brutal murder and
the OKBOMB
case.
In the course of his investigation, evidence emerged in documents
Trentadue
received that the FBI was using the
SPLC
to gather information on Elohim
City n both before and after the bombing.
After months of legal maneuvering by the DOJ and the FBI, U.S. District Court
Judge Dale Kimball ruled on May 5, 2005, that the Oklahoma City FBI office had
to search for documents linking the
SPLC
to Elohim
City and/or specific individuals connected to the April 19, 1995, bombing.
With national attention on the case provided by several news agencies, the FBI
released a small portion of what may prove to be a large reservoir of hidden
documents that could reveal more sensational details about a widespread
cover-up.
The DOJ cover letter accompanying the newly released documents claimed the
release to Trentadue
was done as "a matter of discretion, in the interest of resolving the
litigation in good faith." The earliest date on these documents is a teletype
transmitted on April 24, 1995 n only three days after McVeigh was first
publicly identified as a prime suspect in the bombing of the
A.P.
Murrah
federal building.
While each of the 17 reports is heavily redacted, central to
these-never-before-reported-on documents is evidence that the Southern Poverty
Law Center headquartered in Montgomery, Ala., was monitoring neo-Nazi radicals
closely associated with McVeigh, if not McVeigh himself, shortly before
McVeigh's deadly attack.
Leaked teletype first
disclosed SPLC connection
What started this latest litigation was an article first reported by this
newspaper on Dec. 14, 2003. The copyrighted article provided details of a
teletype sent by the director of the FBI to a select few FBI offices,
disclosing that Morris Dees'
SPLC had at least one informant
at Elohim
City on April 17, 1995, when McVeigh called the camp.
The name of the individual to whom McVeigh placed this call is redacted in the
FBI teletype, but a phone card shows at another time McVeigh called
Elohim
City to speak to Strassmeir.
Strassmeir
was providing paramilitary training to the neo-Nazis who frequently cycled
through Elohim
City. This January 4, 1996, FBI teletype also documents an April 5, 1995,
telephone call from McVeigh to
Elohim City, characterizing
this call as an attempt by McVeigh "to recruit a second conspirator to assist
in the OKBOMB
attack.
One of the newly released FBI documents, dated January 26, 1996, provides
support for the accuracy of the
SPLC
informant's characterization of McVeigh's April 5 telephone call as a
"recruiting" call.
In this newly disclosed report, the FBI notes that Fortier, identified as "the
OKBOMB
cooperating subject" (but with his name redacted), as having said that, "April
5, 1995, was around the time that he backed out of the plans to bomb the
federal building. McVeigh may have been trying to recruit other individuals to
assist him."
This new evidence from the top echelons of the FBI directly contradicts many
statements made in federal court by top DOJ officials, who told federal judges
they were not aware of any government information about any informants
operating inside Elohim
City before the bombing.
In closed chambers, DOJ lawyers told U.S. District Judge Richard
Matsch
that they had no evidence linking anyone at
Elohim
City to McVeigh, or the bombing, other than a calling card record showing
McVeigh had called the camp a single time on April 5, 1995.
Furthermore, these same DOJ attorneys said absolutely nothing about an April
17, 1995 call by McVeigh, while at least one operative from the
SPLC
was present at Elohim
City, monitoring the compound, when McVeigh called.
Stephen Jones, McVeigh's attorney at that trial, indicated that the new
documents show prosecutors violated ethical standards.
"These hand-picked DOJ lawyers were obligated by law and by their professional
code of ethics to provide this information to Judge
Matsch
in order for him to determine if the material should be turned over to the
McVeigh and Nichols defense teams. They did not do so," he said.
Conspiracy closely monitored
Taken in their entirety, Utah attorney Jesse
Trentadue's
latest documents clearly place the role of the
SPLC
and its own undercover operatives at the center of unresolved issues about
federal law enforcement's prior knowledge of the conspiracy to bomb a federal
building in Oklahoma City on April 19, 1995.
In addition, the documents also show that members of the DOJ prosecution team
misrepresented to U.S. District Judge Richard
Matsch
the true extent of government files about McVeigh's ties to
Elohim
City, potentially opening them up to criminal prosecution and disbarment for
these misrepresentations.
One of those documents indicates that on April 24, 1995, a top DOJ lawyer in
the civil rights division, Barry Kowalski, reported that he was seeking an
interview with a key undercover
SPLC
source about relations the source had developed regarding, "relationships,
activities, and/or associates of subject number one, Timothy J. McVeigh."
Indeed, the FBI was using a spy network operated by the
SPLC
to do what many in the FBI were afraid to do because of guidelines in place
during the Clinton administration.
According to a highly placed confidential source in the DOJ at the time of the
bombing, Attorney General Janet Reno would not allow the FBI much latitude in
developing intelligence inside the far-right due to concerns that such
activities might violate existing departmental guidelines on "domestic
spying."
To skirt Reno's policies, the FBI developed a relationship with cutouts such
as the SPLC
that could use their own spies to do what the FBI could not. These
non-government agents then passed their intelligence products back to the
bureau.
Dees confirms relationship
In December 2003 this newspaper presented
SPLC
co-founder Morris Dees with information that linked his organization to the
FBI and to McVeigh's conspiracy in the months before the Ryder truck exploded.
Dees confirmed to the Gazette a role in the surveillance operation at
Elohim
City (and other places) when reporters interviewed him at a press conference
in Durant.
Dees was initially taken aback when he learned that the newspaper had obtained
an officially released FBI teletype from director Louis
Freeh,
including information attributed to an
SPLC
informant who was present
Elohim City on April 17, 1995,
when McVeigh called him to seek help in the bombing.
Dees admitted that he had an informant at
Elohim
City as the teletype said. However, the coy attorney refused to elaborate on
the situation, except to say he had warned then-attorney general Reno, six
months before the attack, that, "(A)n
attack on the government is planned by members of the far right."
Dees went on to say that after the attack he immediately called Reno to say
the media had it wrong.
"I told her the attack was domestic, not foreign," Dees said.
The co-founder of the SPLC
also said that he did not know McVeigh by name before the blast. However, Dees
did become visibly shaken when asked what he thought of German-national
Andreas Strassmeir.
"I won't ever discuss that man," Dees said as he spun away from the interview
and left the press conference with his armed bodyguards in tow.
Book discloses informant
In the newly released April 24, 1995, teletype, the FBI and DOJ redacted the
name of the SPLC
agent, but described him as "acting in various undercover capacities for the
purposes of gathering intelligence for that organization [the
SPLC]."
Dees, on the other hand, had no such concerns about identifying this operative
in his 1996 book, "Gathering Storm: America's Militia Threat." There he
described Mike Reynolds as "one of our [SPLC]
Militia Task Force investigators." Dees' description of Reynolds' itinerary
for the period in question perfectly fits the description in the April 24
teletype.
The EC connection
An appraisal of the new documents shows that almost immediately after the
bombing, elements within the FBI sought information about
Strassmeir,
the paramilitary leader at
Elohim City. And the
information was sourced through Dees' information network at
Elohim
City, according to these same FBI documents.
The first report provided by the Oklahoma City FBI office concerning the
SPLC's
intelligence operation was prepared on April 24, 1995, and discusses McVeigh's
links to the Michigan Militia and to the Arizona Patriots militia group n a
group that the SPLC
informant stated had evolved into the Constitution Ranger's militia group.
The informant cited this latter group's involvement in white supremacist
activities in the Kingman, Ariz., area and claimed to be knowledgeable "of the
identities of various members who had association with Timothy Jack (sic)
McVeigh."
The FBI document said this SPLC
informant had just attended an neo-Nazi movement rally and as of April 24 was
staying at the Hilton Inn in Little Rock when the FBI attempted to make
contact, but had departed for the Montgomery, Ala., area "within the past one
hour."
But the initial report from the Oklahoma City FBI office does not mention the
fact that at least one, and very likely two informants for the
SPLC
were at Elohim
City on April 17, 1995, when McVeigh made the call never disclosed by the DOJ
to Judge Matsch.
Those details would not come out for many months, and then only after the FBI
learned that one of the reporters for this story (J.D. Cash) and an
investigator for McVeigh's defense team were making regular visits to
Elohim
City.
In January 1996, this newspaper began preparing a series of articles about
Elohim
City. Those articles were based upon multiple trips to the compound in late
1995.
According to people at the compound, McVeigh had visited the camp several
times. The leaders of the camp, though, would make that information only on a
non-attribution basis n out of fear, they said, that they would be linked to
the bombing and arrested for conspiracy.
At one point in the questioning of Rev. Robert Millar, the aging patriarch of
the Christian Identity community of about 80 persons, he admitted to McVeigh
defense investigator Richard Reyna in the presence of a reporter for this
newspaper that McVeigh's initial visit to
Elohim
City had been with former KKK
leader Dennis Mahon of Tulsa.
Before long, several others provided the same details. McVeigh had traveled to
Elohim
City for meetings inside and outside the compound well over a dozen times,
beginning in the fall of 1993.
One of the sources, an Oklahoma state trooper, had informants inside the
neo-Nazi compound. A second source is none other than Morris Dees himself.
Reported by veteran reporter Howard
Pankratz
in the Denver Post, on May 16, 1996, Dees was quoted as saying that McVeigh
has visited Elohim
City,"…. on a number of occasions."
Sometime after that article appeared, Dees attempted to recant his
declaration, claiming he had been misquoted, but the reporter who wrote the
article was adamant that Dees had spoken as quoted in the article.
Contacted this week, Pankratz
said he recalls attending the press luncheon and may even have Dees' comments
on a tape.
"I kept all my Oklahoma City interview material,"
Pankratz
noted. "Dees certainly never asked us to print a retraction of our story."
Suspects flee Elohim City
By the late summer of 1995, because of increasing media interest and law
enforcement attention on Elohim
City, several young men, including German National Andreas "Andy the German"
Strassmeir,
fled Elohim
City n a neo-Nazi paramilitary camp in eastern Oklahoma.
Three of these men n Scott
Stedford, Kevin McCarthy and
Michael Brescia
n were subsequently arrested for participating in a series of bank robberies
in the Midwest and attempting to overthrow the government. The gang called
itself the Aryan Republic Army (ARA).
All three of these men shared living quarters at
Elohim
City with Strassmeir.
While the FBI for years told the media that the agency had no interest in
Strassmeir
and any alleged connections to Tim McVeigh and the
OKC
bombing, these new documents establish that some key officials inside the FBI
were monitoring Strassmeir's
escape from the U.S. n but were doing nothing to stop him from leaving.
Contained in an unclassified teletype marked "Priority" from the London FBI
office to the director of the FBI on Jan. 4, 1996, the
OKBOMB
case number is referenced and the following information is provided:
"Poverty Law Center, Montgomery, Alabama who had received the following
information from various confidential sources: [redacted name] white male,
date of birth [information redacted] he was helped with [information redacted]
also defends [information redacted]. Additionally in November of 1993, [name
redacted] met subject Tim McVeigh (and) [name redacted] and thereafter, became
associates with McVeigh because of their common background [information
redacted] in the military. [name and information redacted] for the past few
years at Elohim
City, Oklahoma (a religious white supremacist community in a remote area)
McVeigh attempted to call [name redacted] in April of 1995 prior to the
bombing, according to this source. [name redacted] went on to provide
additional information from his sources regarding [names and information
redacted. Name redacted] concluded by advising that he has provided this
information to the FBI because he has heard that
LEGAT
[legal attaché], London (FBI London) is doing background investigation on
[name redacted]. "
LEGAT
is the short name for the office of the FBI's Legal
Attache
at the specified U.S. embassy. The
LEGAT
is an FBI agent assigned to the staff of the U.S. ambassador for liaison
duties with law enforcement officials in that foreign country.
The DOJ acknowledged that McVeigh called
Elohim
City on April 5, 1995, asking for
Strassmeir.
Both Strassmeir
and McVeigh had common military experiences. Other sources confirm that
LEGAT
London was tasked to do a background investigation on
Strassmeir.
Given these facts, and the limited pool of "players," it is clear that the
teletype mentioned above can only refer to
Strassmeir,
who was expected to flee the U.S. shortly, and did.
The document goes on to say: "Will advise Oklahoma City command post whether
LEGAT
is aware of any investigation [name and information redacted] by
LEGAT,
London, Scotland Yard, Interpol, or any similar agency in your jurisdiction."
Referring to the November 1993 trip McVeigh made to
Elohim
City, this newspaper broke a story on July 1 about an interview Terry Nichols
gave Congressman Dana Rohrabacher, R-Calif.
That jailhouse interview included Nichols' admissions for the first time that
in the fall of 1993 he and McVeigh traveled to
Elohim
City. During the course of the Rohrabacher interview, Nichols also told the
congressman that it was clear to him that McVeigh had been to the compound
before and knew Strassmeir
and others there "very well."
DOJ officials hamper probe
Many of those new unclassified documents also establish that the
OKBOMB
task force was unable to interview subjects connected with
Elohim
City, because of conditions set forth by FBI director Louis
Freeh
and possibly other high ranking DOJ officials.
As an example: In a very unusual teletype, Jan. 29, 1996, marked "Priority"
from the OKBOMB
command post, which was headed at the time by Supervisory Special Agent Danny
Defenbaugh,
the commander of the massive investigation asked
Freeh
to locate Strassmeir
in Germany and have someone question him about the numerous details set forth
in newspaper articles detailing
Strassmeir's
connections to the bombing conspirators.
Not only were many of the names redacted from this priority teletype to
Freeh;
even the name of the newspaper breaking the
Strassmeir/McVeigh/EC
connections was withheld by the Oklahoma City FBI office.
However, based on the teletype's description of one of the informants
providing information to the bureau, it is likely that Dennis Mahon is one of
the sources referred to. The memo notes that Mahon (whose name was redacted)
had a long history of contacts with members of radical rightwing and the
skinheads. It also notes that the informant was recently barred from a
particular foreign country he visited and stirred up trouble.
Indeed, Mahon had been barred from Germany for participating in Ku Klux Klan
activities there during the timeframe mentioned in the teletype.
The FBI's Oklahoma City Command Post also said its informant provided
information that Strassmeir
had left Elohim
City in the past few months and moved to Black Mountain, N.C.
The information was further verified by a "CW"
n a Cooperating Witness n informant from the FBI's Cincinnati division n a man
closely allied with the Aryan Republican Army (ARA)
and a longtime source of information to the FBI.
That man's name is also known to this newspaper. He is Shawn Kenny, the former
head of an Aryan Nations chapter in Ohio and a close associate of
ARA
bank bandits Peter Langan
and Richard Guthrie (deceased). In fact, Kenny's work for the authorities in
the OKBOMB
investigation is mentioned several times in the new documents.
Referring to a number of newspaper articles linking
Strassmeir
to others, (whose names and locations at the time were redacted by the FBI)
the Oklahoma City Command Post also lists a number of reasons why
Strassmeir
should be located by the FBI and questioned about the bombing and his alleged
long association with McVeigh. Central to this plea by the
OKBOMB
case FBI commander is the evidence presented by this newspaper about
Strassmeir
and his associates, at Elohim
City and elsewhere.
It is clear in January 1996 that members of the
OKBOMB
task force were very agitated about
Strassmeir's
flight from justice after they learned the news from an
SPLC
source.
Dated Jan. 26, 1996, the command post told
Freeh
and a select group of other FBI agents the following:
"As Charlotte [FBI office in North Carolina] is aware [name redacted] is of
particular interest to this investigation because of his association to
Elohim
City (EC), a paramilitary survivalist compound located in eastern Oklahoma.
McVeigh called the compound on April 5, 1995. As indicated in referenced
teletype, information has been received from sources of [name redacted]
indicating that [name redacted] met McVeigh [information redacted] and that
McVeigh called the compound prior to the bombing asking for [name redacted].
"On January 26, 1996, Special Agent SA [name redacted] Mobile division,
Montgomery resident agent advised she had received additional information from
[name redacted] Southern Poverty Law Center, who advised the following: "He
had just obtained information from a highly reliable source that [name
redacted] had fled [location redacted] about seven days ago. The same source
also said that [information and names redacted].
"Quoting another confidential informant [Kenny] based in Cincinnati, Ohio said
he/she saw [name redacted] at [information redacted] in [location redacted].
At that time [name redacted (Strassmeir)
said he left Oklahoma because, "things were too hot out there." Confidential
informant clearly understood that [name withheld (Strassmeir)
was referring to the bombing.
Defenbaugh's
teletype next set forth a series of questions that
Strassmeir
should have to answer, if anyone could find him.
Regardless of the situation and
Defenbaugh's
pleas for assistance in the investigation, the Oklahoma City FBI documents do
not provide any evidence that any FBI agent ever went to Berlin to do a
face-to-face interview with the subject of so much pre- and post-bombing
attention by federal agents and informants.
Instead, on April 30 and May 1, 1996, DOJ lawyers
Aitman
Goelman
and Beth Wilkinson made two conference telephone calls from Denver to Berlin
to interview Strassmeir.
An FBI 302 obtained by this newspaper quite some time ago reveals only the
most cursory interview of the subject, a conversation that
Strassmeir
later told a media source "lasted all of about five minutes."
According to the FBI 302, a single FBI agent was allowed to monitor the call
and take notes. What few questions were asked of
Strassmeir
were very general in nature and asked only by Wilkinson and
Goelman.
Wilkinson would later make light of
Strassmeir's
purported importance to the
OKBOMB case by telling Judge
Matsch
that Strassmeir
was "a mere wisp of wind." She promised the court that the German was never
any interest to OKBOMB
investigators.
"We never investigated
Strassmeir," she told
Matsch
during a pre-trial evidentiary hearing Denver, "so we have nothing to turn
over to Mr. McVeigh's lawyers about him."
Trentadue
says he now intends to go back to court for additional information concerning
files the FBI has not yet turned over.
"If the Southern Poverty Law Center was providing information about
Elohim
City after the bombing to the FBI, they must have been providing it before
April 19th, Trentadue
noted. Asking further: "So where are those reports?"
Trentadue
also says there is considerable information redacted in these latest reports
that clearly should not have been withheld.
"The names of certain newspapers were even withheld,"
Trentadue
quipped. "Hell, where does the FBI get the right to withhold the names of the
papers it reads?"

The thorny road
to the truth of the
OKC Bombing
May 26, 2005
It has been over 10 years since the April 19, 1995 Oklahoma City bombing
that killed 168 and injured hundreds more. The case, we are told, has been
investigated over and over again. No stone has been left unturned, we are
told.
Of course, those of us who have
really paid attention have likely been uneasy about the case all along. Why,
for instance, would the
observation video tape
depicting the final moments of the bomb-carrying truck sitting next to the
doomed building - a tape shot in a public space, where you or I could have
stood and witnessed the same events - why is that tape still classified?
Since all those in the know are
mum on the issue of the tape, let us leave it alone for now and just move on
to another related matter. As reported by
The Salt Lake Tribune
("FBI
acknowledges it has found records that may apply to death"
by Pamela Manson, May 25, 2005),
After insisting for a year that
it was unable to find records connected to the death of an Oklahoma prison
inmate, the FBI is acknowledging it has found hundreds of pages of
documents that could apply to the case.
However, the agency is asking a
federal judge in Utah to pare back his order requiring it to produce
records and grant an extension of a June 15 deadline. Officials say they
need more time to review more than six million pages of information that
potentially could fall under a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA)
request filed in 2004 by the inmate's brother, Salt Lake City attorney
Jesse
Trentadue.
...
Kenneth
Trentadue,
44, who had served time for bank robbery, was being held on an alleged
parole violation in a federal prison in Oklahoma City when guards found
him dead on Aug. 21, 1995, hanging from a noose made of torn
bedsheets.
Authorities say he committed suicide and several investigations also ruled
that the prisoner died by his own hand, but his family insists he was
killed.
Trentadue
contends the FBI mistakenly suspected his brother was part of a gang that
robbed banks to fund attacks on the government, and that authorities
killed him when things got out of hand during an interrogation.
In his
FOIA
requests, the lawyer has sought records on a white supremacist compound in
Oklahoma where Timothy McVeigh, who was executed in 2001 for the
Murrah
bombing, allegedly tried to recruit accomplices.
Trentadue
says an informant for the
Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC),
a civil rights organization, had infiltrated the compound
and relayed information about McVeigh's plan to the FBI about two weeks
before the bombing.
A similar report titled
"FBI has secret docs it's reluctant
to give up" was published
on WorldNetDaily.com
on the same day, May 25, 2005. This report states point-blank:
For years, the FBI has
repeatedly denied the agency had any prior knowledge of the bomb plot.
The FBI now says it has found
340 documents that could also link the
SPLC
to McVeigh, Elohim
City and members of the Aryan Republican Army.
Well, let me just say that this truth is certainly welcome news, albeit it
might be about 10 years late in coming. I would also advise you to think
back to this situation every time you hear a government spokesperson speak.
And I am certainly looking
forward to more exciting
OKC
discoveries. We have spent 10 years waiting. It's about time.
Careers at stake
According to the report in the
McCurtain County, Okla., paper, the documents
address the monitoring of the bombing by FBI informants, Alabama attorney
Morris Dees and Dees' organization, the Southern Poverty Law Center.
Writes reporter J.D. Cash in the Gazette: "If proven true, the ramifications
of such disclosures would be far-reaching. Not only could the discovery of
these documents lead to additional arrests and prosecutions in the
OKC
bombing case, but evidence of a cover-up of a sting operation involving the
FBI and a private charity (the
SPLC)
could ruin a number of
careers
of
highly placed individuals."
http://www.mccurtain.com/okc_bombing/
"The Oklahoma City
Bombing and The Politics of Terror"
Publisher agrees to destroy copies of this book
David Hoffman mailto:David
Hoffman
RE: OKC BOMBING: Thank you for putting my book on-line
Thu Nov 8 23:32:27 2001
Thank you for putting my book on-line. However you should note in the
preamble
(the wire article) that Oliver "Buck" Revell just LOST his libel suit against
us.
We won strictly on briefs; the case never even went to trial [in federal court].
Also, my book was just acclaimed by Gore Vidal in September's Vanity Fair
as the best and most complete book on the Oklahoma City Bombing!
--
David Hoffman -- David Hoffman
Photography Journalism
1746 N. Cherokee Ave, #4-I
Hollywood, CA 90028
323-462-2407
WIRE:12/10/1999 21:57:00
ET
OKLAHOMA CITY (AP) _ The
California publisher of a controversial book about the Oklahoma City bombing
will destroy copies of the book as part of a settlement of a lawsuit filed by a
former FBI official over false and inaccurate statements in the book. Stan
Twardy, attorney for former FBI official Oliver "Buck" Revell, said Friday that
the number of books being destroyed was not available but he described it as
"substantial." The publisher said all books in its distributor's warehouse would
be destroyed. Revell said David Hoffman's book, "The Oklahoma City Bombing and
The Politics of Terror" contained false and inaccurate statements about him and
"by innuendo" portrayed him as a co-conspirator in the bombing. Feral House Inc.
promised to destroy copies of the book to avoid "further dissemination of
inaccurate statements." "Whatever `The Oklahoma City Bombing and the Politics of
Terror' states, alleges or implies, it is now my understanding that Mr. Revell
had nothing to do with any alleged CIA drug smuggling, so-called `death squads'
or malfeasance involving the Oklahoma City bombing, before or after," Feral
House President Adam Parfrey wrote in an open letter. The settlement was reached
Wednesday. Twardy said it included a payment to Revell, but he couldn't disclose
the amount. The April 19, 1995, bombing killed 168 people and injured more than
500 others. The lawsuit is still pending against Hoffman and two of the book's
sources. Hoffman pleaded guilty in June to misdemeanor jury tampering. He had
sent the book to an alternate on the grand jury investigating a series of
conspiracy theories about the bombing. Timothy McVeigh was convicted and
sentenced to death in the bombing. Terry Nichols is serving life in prison on
federal convictions of conspiracy and involuntary manslaughter.
Contents
Acknowledgements xvi
Introduction xx
Forward xxiv
1. The Mannilicher-Carcanno Bomb 29
2. The Face of Terror 70
3. Non-Resident Alien 131
4. Millar's Rent-A-Nazi 150
5. Teflon Terrorists 178
6. No Stone Unturned 242
7. The Connection 330
8. Lockerbie--a Parallel 332
9. The Sting 412
10. The Octopus 368
11. The Covert Cowboys 378
12. The Motive 384
13. The Politics of Terror 395
14. A Strategy of Tension
15. Epologue: Let Them Eat O.J.
Appendix
Endnotes
Index
"You shall know the truth and the truth shall make you mad."
- Aldus Huxley
Acknowledgements
The author would like to gratefully acknowledge the help and assistance of
the following people, without whose help this story could not have been told:
Melissa Klinzing and Brad Edwards, KFOR-TV, Nolan Clay, Daily Oklahoman,
Rodney Bowers, Arkansas Democrat Gazette, Larry Myers and Rich Azar at
Media Bypass, Juval Aviv of Interfor, Don Browning, Jon Rappaport,
author of Oklahoma bombing: The Supressed Truth, Michele Moore, author of
Oklahoma City: Day One, former DEA agent Mike Levine, Jesse Clear, Mark
Sanford, Paul Friend, Idaho News Observer, video producer Chuck Allen,
Oklahoma City: What Really Happened?, JD Cash and Jeff Holladay of The
McCurtain County Gazette, Britt Anderson and the writers at Mother Jones,
The Village Voice, Frances McMorris, The Wall Street Journal, Mike
Whitely, Mike Vanderboegh, Mike Kemp, Ted Gundersen, Steve Wilmsen and Mark Eddy
of the Denver Post, Mark Schafer, Arizona Republic, Ambrose
Evans-Pritchard, London Sunday Telegraph, Clayton Douglas, The Free
American, Charlie Hatfield, Ellis County Press, Brian Redman,
Conspiracy Nation, Ben Partin, The folks at the BBC, Sarah McClendon, Bob
Hall, Conspiracy Nation, Ken Armstrong, Rita Cosby, Fox News, John
Mattes, Julian Share, CBC, Louis Champon, Roger Bunn, Anthony J. Hilder, Rick
Sherrow, Audrey Cummings, Moshe Tal, Stu Webb, Glenn Wilburn, Pat Briley,
Monte Cooley, Idaho Observer, The Free American, Hoppy Heidelberg, Eric
Lighter, Bill Key, Martin Keating, Linda Thompson, Ramona McDonald, Robert
Bickel, Tony Scarlatti, Dr. Rick Nelson, Robert Jerlow, Robert Peterson, Jason
at CBS archives, David Parker, Billy at the Daily Oklahoman library, and
the librarians at the Washington Post, New York Times, Dallas Morning News,
Los Angeles Times, Miami Herald, Toronto Star, Covert Action Quarterly,
and others, Joe Taylor at Newstrack in Tulsa, Oklahoma, Ann Bradley and
Christie, and others in Stephen Jones' office, D'Ferdinand Carone, the clerks in
the Oklahoma county and federal courts, and scores of others who have selflessly
provide information from their own research and investigations into this and
other scandals.
My publisher, Adam Parfrey, who instinctively understood the significance of
this crime, and, took a chance on me when none of big publishers would.
State Representative Charles Key, who became a good friend. A man whose
humor, faith, and courage to stand up and publicly question the governments'
official line, putting his life and his career on the line, became an anchor for
us all.
Jayna Davis of KFOR, the original lead investigator on the Middle Eastern
angle, eventhough the New York Times Broadcasting Company shut down her
investigation and took away her helicopter and cell phone.
David Hall of KPOC-TV, who gave me most of the leads I wouldn't have gotten
anywhere else. Last I heard, the IRS was screwing with Hall because of his
courageous work on the Waco case.
Craig Roberts, whose patience and generosity proved invaluable. Craig was a
staunch ally whose tenacity and good humor proved an inspiration when I became
frustrated (which was pretty often).
Craig's cop friend Randy, who sneaked into the NCIC now and then when we
needed it.
Leslie Jorgensen, (Newsweek and U.S. News & World Report )
a great gal with a marvelous sense of humor, who kept me up to date on the
latest gossip and straightened me out about certain lawyers.
Gene Wheaton, who took me for a circuitous ride through the desert to talk to
me in a scene reminiscent of Mr. "X" in the movie JFK, then regaled me mostly
with personal stories about his interesting life.
Bill McCoy (may he rest in peace), who provided humorous translations for
Wheaton's conspiracy theory theories, and was instrumental in keeping
"scribblers" like me on the path.
Ace Hayes (may he rest in peace), publisher of the Portland Free Press,
and my main mentor, who helped me to understand how the system really works,
or at least the system according to Ace.
Sherman Skolnick, my other main mentor, who never let me forget how many
years he's been in the business, and reminded me that I have a long way to go,
Will Northrop, "Matzo-Ball Charlie," who claimed to work for every Israeli
intelligence agency except the Mossad, then took me for $1600 to sip
Margaritas in Florida.
Mike Johnston, who accused me of stealing his book, Abu-Nidal: A Gun For
Hire, when he knows full well that it was stolen by Chinese cleaning ladies
and used as Won Ton wrappers.
James "Jimmy" Rothstein, whose openness, patience, and selflessness proved to
be a guiding light in the murky and confusing world of spooks and criminals.
Mien Furher, Al Martin, Iran-Contra "insider extraodinaire," whose still
waiting for his $100,000 retainer fee.
Bill Jasper of the John Birch Society, who is convinced it really is all a
Communist plot.
George Wallace who introduced me to Jasper and kept the Commie hunters off my
back.
Roger Cravens, Dave Rydel, Claire Wolfe, Jon Roland, and other Patriots who
posted important and much-needed information on the state of our nation on the
Patriots' Information Mailing List (PIML); and Ian Goddard, Bob Hall, and others
who did the same on the OKBOMB mailing list.
Laurie Mylroie of the Foreign Policy Institute, for her in-depth analysis of
the Iraqis and the World Trade Center bombing.
Terry Cook, for his videos and books, and his excellent and comprehensive
research on the staggering new technology that is taking control over our lives.
Jim Levine, and Terry and Kelly, who handled our account and especially Jim's
mother, who made me Chicken soup when I was sick.
And finally, Mr. "M," without who's generous financial support, none of this
would have been possible.
And I can't leave out all those people who, although aware of the efforts of
the authors and others in attempting to bring this information to the public,
were either indifferent, or actually obstructed these efforts. The first of
these honors goes to the so-called "Justice" Department and the FBI. And to the
state Attorney General, Drew Edmondson, and the local District Attorney in
Oklahoma City, Bob Macy, who has an annoying tendency to talk out of both sides
of his mouth. Oh, Bob, what is that stench?!
And the supervisors of the business office of Southwestern Bell and
specifically Mr. Edwards and Mr. Dave Lopez, President of SWB, whose cold,
callous, indifference and lack of empathy when I became behind on my phone bill
resulted in the termination of my phone service for three weeks, my poor old
mother thinking I was dead, and the interruption of our investigation, which
they were fully aware of.
And the kind and generous folks of M.C.I. Communications, who not only
refused to sponsor our investigation, they never even sent a reply to my
inquiry. May they and the principals of SWB get what they deserve.
And ultimately, all my friends who have kept me [partially] sane throughout
the years, eventhough conspiracies have a way of making one come unglued: Ron
Ulfohn, Joe Williams, John Flores, David Wills, Lorenzo, Jon and Lisa, and all
those helpful souls I've undoubtedly missed, including my parents (although I'm
not sure they've helped me keep sane).
Introduction
On April 19, 1995 when I heard the news (and literally heard the explosion)
of the Murrah building, I was dumbfounded. As the realization sunk in that so
many people and children were killed, I, along with millions of others watching
the news coverage, felt that indescribable, overwhelming sensation in the pit of
my stomach.
Yet as the "story" unfolded, my spirits were lifted as I saw example after
example of shear human compassion and an outpouring of unblemished,
unconditional love flow forth in a far greater degree than I had ever seen in
any venue of life, including and especially in political circles.
However, during the intense media coverage that followed, inconsistencies
began emerging. Stories kept changing and although I couldn't see the emerging
political angle, I could sense it. Those who dared oppose the REVISIONIST NEWS
ACCOUNTS, were ostracized, mocked, discredited, dark-cornered, etc. I know, I
was one who dared to be politically incorrect.
At some point it became painfully apparent that there was more wrong than
right with the federal investigation. That is when I had a very tough decision
to make. Should I sit and do nothing and remain in my comfort zone simply
"playing the part" of the caring politician for the photo op's? Or should I
really do the right thing even if it meant giving the phrase "politically
incorrect" a whole new dimension?
It didn't take long after discussing it with my wife to determine that I had
to do the right thing--no matter what the consequences were to be. Having come
to that conclusion, I decided to go forward to search out the truth and tell it
to a waiting world. Journalists such as David Hoffman, concerned citizens, and a
few ex-law enforcement officers, have made many personal sacrifices to bring
this truth to the American people.
In response, the major media launched unheard of attacks against our desire
to conduct constitutionally sound and proper investigations. The Daily
Oklahoman and the Tulsa World have published nine separate editorials
viciously attacking me, Glenn Wilburn and all those who have stood up and
demanded all of the truth about this terrible crime.
An editorial from the Daily Oklahoman entitled, "Drop It, Mr. Key"
even had the audacity to say:
As we argued when Key first set out on this course, the Legislature and its
staff had no business investigating the bombing. It was, and is, poorly equipped
to do so. The same can be said of a panel of local citizens…
People in powerful positions have repeatedly attacked those of us who have
scrutinized the federal investigation. Oklahoma Attorney General Drew Edmondson
issued a personal attack saying that I was proposing a "wasteful witch hunt" and
was pushing "the worst kind of paranoid conspiracy pandering."
Oklahoma Governor Frank Keating, a former FBI agent himself, went so far as
to say that "raising questions would not bring one whit of intelligence to the
process." He later escalated his attacks saying those of us who were raising
serious questions were "howling at the moon" and "off the reservation."
All of these people are literally robbing the victims family members and
survivors--and all of us--the opportunity and right to know the truth.
All of us have had to fight the formidable disinformation and smear campaign
waged by "faceless forces" that appear to have pockets of unending depth and the
mass media at their beck and call.
Glenn Wilburn, who lost two grand children in the tragedy, and I filed a
petition in November, 1995, to have a local county grand jury impaneled to
investigate the bombing. This independent grand jury would be fully autonomous
of the federal investigation, and would double in the capacity of a watchdog of
the federal investigation.
Here in Oklahoma, we are very fortunate to be one of only two states that
have a constitutional guarantee that the people of a county can cause a grand
jury to be impaneled whenever they feel there is a need simply by circulating a
petition. It is and always has been a common occurrence in our state.
Nevertheless, the Presiding State District Judge, Dan Owens, tried to stop us
from petitioning to impanel the grand jury, and we were forced to appeal his
actions to a higher court. That is where the latest and some of the most intense
criticism has come from recently. One year after our appeal, we finally got a
written opinion from the Court of Appeals in the Tulsa district. On December 24,
1996 the court ruled not only in our favor, but they did so unanimously.
Not only was it unanimous, but the court issued the decision "For
Publication." That means that it was such a clear-cut case in regard to the
state constitution, statutes, and previous case law, that it constituted a
precedent-setting case to be used in lawbooks, most likely for many years to
come.
Yet, why is there such extreme opposition to keep this independent grand jury
from being allowed to assemble? As you will learn by reading this book, that is
because some in our federal law enforcement agencies (i.e. ATF and FBI) had
prior knowledge that certain individuals were planning to bomb the Murrah
Federal Building!
Prior knowledge on the part of some individuals in the Federal Government may
also be why the federal prosecutors barred every single witness to John Doe(s)
from the Federal Grand Jury. Of the more than 20 witnesses to one or more John
Doe(s), none--not even one--were allowed to tell the Grand Jury what they saw.
Additionally, when the prosecution's list of witnesses was unsealed, we found
that the one witness who will be allowed to testily in the trial to McVeigh
being in the company of a John Doe can't describe in any way who he saw. Indeed,
the best witnesses who can positively place McVeigh in downtown Oklahoma City
that morning saw him with one or more individuals and are able to describe to
some degree what that person or persons looked like. Those witnesses were not
even allowed to testify at McVeigh's trial.
As bizarre as that sounds, Federal Prosecutors were not allowing any of those
witnesses to be seen or heard by the Federal Grand Jury. This gives "blind
justice" a whole new meaning.
To make this even more clear, the Federal Grand Jury wanted to interview both
the eye witnesses and the sketch artist who drew the John Doe composites but
they were flatly refused by the federal "authorities." Clearly they were
blatantly deprived of their basic Constitutional rights as grand jurors. Why?
Just what is it that they are trying to accomplish? Or, perhaps more
pointedly, just who are they trying to protect? And what all are they trying to
hide?
Let's not forget, elected officials are supposed to be the servants of the
people and not the other way around. Just what's going on??? And how are they
getting away with it?!!!!!
Our efforts to reinvestigate the case before a county grand jury are
important for numerous reasons. One of the reasons that concerns me most is that
I fear that the record of McVeigh's trial will comprise the "official story" of
what happened. If the evidence of prior knowledge and other perpetrators is not
presented in this case, I fear that the government will be successful in shaping
the official story to permanently exclude that evidence.
Another reason that I feel that the OKC bombing case is important and
directly effects you is that the government has reached a new level of operating
out of the bounds of the law and is becoming more and more arrogant. You will
read about some of those cases in the second part of this book.
I don't know about you, but that kind of arrogance sickens me and leaves me
with a eerie feeling. The government must not be allowed to get away with yet
another botched job! The Government must be held accountable.
In spite of the seemingly impenetrable and insurmountable forces acting
against us, on February 18, 1997 the Oklahoma State Supreme Court miraculously
ruled in favor of allowing the independent county grand jury and against the
Federal Government's attempt to quash the rights of the people. That grand jury
is investigating the case as this book goes to press.
Based on two years of intense research and investigation, this book gives the
public an insight into the evidence which the grand jury will confront.
Hopefully now, the forgotten families, survivors, and victims who died from the
blast will have their right to a full, open and truthful investigation of the
events of April 19.
Sincerely,
Rep. Charles Key
State Capitol Bldg., Rm 508
Oklahoma City, OK 73105
(405) 521-2711
Author's note: While Representative Key and the people of Oklahoma have
succeeded in impaneling their grand jury, they are without the necessary funds
to proceed with the investigation. Any contributions towards this effort may be
sent to:
Oklahoma County Grand Jury &
Bombing Investigation Fund
Post Office Box 75669
Oklahoma City, OK 73147
"All governments are run by liars and nothing they
say should be believed." - I.F. Stone
Forward
The images are forever etched in our minds. Scorched, burning cars, pouring
black smoke and charred, twisted metal. Piles of rubble, screaming sirens and
battered, bloody bodies. And the babies… frail, lifeless figures--tiny, silent
witnesses of death and destruction.
In the early morning hours of April 19th, the Oklahoma City federal building
had, in one long, horrible moment… exploded with the force of a volcano, spewing
forth the contents of its human carnage onto the streets below. What had a few
moments ago been the Alfred P. Murrah building was now a huge, gaping tomb. The
entire facade of the nine-story superstructure had been ripped away, exposing
its innards--dangling chunks of concrete, tangled strands of cables and bent
pieces of rebar--into the choking, blackened sky. Now it stood smoking and
eerily silent, except for the muffled cries of its few remaining inhabitants and
the wailing of the sirens off in the distance.
One man, an ex-Marine, likened it to carnage he had witnessed in war-torn
Lebanon. Another veteran, Thu Nguyen, who had his five-year-old son Christopher
in the day care center, said, "I've seen war…. I've seen soldiers I fought with
in Vietnam cut this way, cut in half, heads cut off. That was war. These are
children. This is not a war. This is a crime."
The scene was surreal--almost too horrific to bear. There were bodies--and
pieces of bodies--strewn about, along with childrens' toys and workers' personal
effects--tragic reminders of what had moments before been the meaningful
mementos of someone's life. One passerby had been wrapped around a telephone
pole, her head blown off. Workers who had been sitting at their desks were still
sitting there… lifeless, morbid, like eerie figures out of a wax museum of
horrors.
Police detective Jay Einhorn remembers one scene: "There was a guy--a black
guy--on the second floor, just sitting there. I knew he was dead. He's looking
at me, and I'm looking at him… if you don't think that's fucking scary. We just
said, man we gotta go up there and cover that guy up."(1)
Daina Bradley, who was trapped under a slab of fallen concrete, was still
conscious. With no way to remove her without upsetting the huge piece of
concrete, doctors were forced to amputate her leg. As Bradley lay screaming in a
pool of water, surgeons, using scalpels and saws, and without anesthesia,
amputated her leg below the knee.
The federal office building, home to over 550 workers, had also housed a day
care center. Nearby, a makeshift morgue had been set up in what had once been
the childrens' playground. Refrigeration trucks lined up to haul away the dead
bodies. "Sheriff Clint Boehler, from nearby Canadian County, recalls, "We went
flying down there at about 110 miles an hour… you never saw so many services
running over each other." As hundreds of volunteers poured in from all over the
country, fireman, police and medical personnel began laying out the victims for
identification. Shirley Moser, a nurse, began tagging dead children. "Their
faces had been blown off, "said Moser. "They found a child without a head."
Those who were lucky enough to escape the carnage were wandering about, dazed
and confused. One man, his face bloodied, wandered down the street, saying he
was headed home, except that he couldn't remember his name or where his home
was. Another man who was entering the building had his arm blown off, but was in
such a state of shock that he didn't notice it as he went about trying to help
others.(2)
People who lived or worked nearby had been blown out of their chairs. Trent
Smith, 240 pounds, was tossed seven feet into the air and through the window of
his hotel room. Several blocks away, a bus filled with people was nearly blown
on its side. The force of the blast extended for nearly 30 blocks, blowing out
windows and heavily damaging a dozen buildings, and causing damage to almost 400
more.(3)
When it was all over, more than 169 people, including 19 children, lay dead,
and more than 500 were injured. The damage was estimated in the hundreds of
millions.
Federal authorities were calling the bombing the single largest terrorist
attack in the history of the United States. Yet it was difficult to discern
whether the bombing was some ominous precursor to some as yet undeclared war, or
the result of some criminal plot gone horribly awry. Just who had caused it
wasn't clear.
As rescue workers continued the difficult task of searching for bodies, and
hospital workers began attending to victims, law enforcement agents began
searching for clues. What was clear as law enforcement personnel descended upon
the scene, was that the blast had left a 30 foot wide, 8 feet deep crater in
front of the building. Fortunately, a ATF agent who had recently attended a
course on the identification of car and truck-bombs just happened to be in the
federal courthouse. The agent was able to identify the cause of the blast
immediately. He telephoned his superiors in Dallas and told them that an
ammonium-nitrate truck-bomb had just blown up the Murrah Building.
Sixty miles away, near Perry Oklahoma, Highway Patrolman Charles Hanger was
making his usual rounds. Around 10:30 a.m. Officer Hanger noticed a battered
1977 yellow Mercury, without a license plate, speeding along at 81 miles an
hour. Pulling the vehicle over, Hanger cited the driver, 26-year-old Timothy
James McVeigh, for driving without a license plate. As he was about to let
McVeigh go, Hanger noticed a distinct bulge under McVeigh's windbreaker. When he
asked McVeigh what he had under his jacket, McVeigh casually informed the cop
that he had a gun--a 9mm Glock semi-automatic pistol. Hanger subsequently
arrested McVeigh for carrying a concealed weapon, driving without a tags, and
driving without insurance.(4)
Back in Oklahoma City, investigators were busily searching the wreckage for
clues that could lead them to the perpetrators. It didn't take long for
investigators to find what they were looking for--a piece of axle and a license
plate--believed to have been part of the truck used in the bombing. After FBI
agents ran the VIN (vehicle identification number) and the plate through their
Rapid Start computer system, they discovered the vehicle belonged to a Ryder
rental agency in Florida. A check with the agency revealed that the truck, a
1993 Ford, was rented out of Elliott's Body Shop in Junction City, Kansas.
Elliott's said that they had rented the 20-foot truck to a Bob Kling on April
17th, and gave the FBI artist a description of two men who had rented the truck,
known as Unsub #1 and Unsub #2.
Kling, Unsub #1, had listed his address as 3616 North Van Dyke Road in
Decker, Michigan. The address was the home of James Douglas Nichols and Terry
Lynn Nichols. A quick check of that address with the Michigan Department of
Motor Vehicles revealed a license in the name of Timothy James McVeigh.
FBI agents interviewing James Nichols and relatives in Decker quickly learned
that Timothy McVeigh was a friend of Nichols, who possessed large quantities of
fuel oil and fertilizer. Armed with a search warrant, agents found 28 bags fifty
pound bags of fertilizer containing ammonium-nitrate, a 55 gallon drum
containing fuel oil, blasting caps, and safety fuse.
Interviews with neighbors, including Daniel Stomber, Paul Isydorak and
others, revealed that the Nichols brothers and McVeigh had experimented with
explosives, using household items to produce small bombs using bottles and
cardboard cartons, which they would detonate on their property for fun.
Witnesses also claimed that in December of 1993, McVeigh and one of the Nichols
brothers had visited Thumb Hobbies, Etc. to inquire about purchasing 100% liquid
nitro model airplane fuel. One of these witnesses had reported that James
Nichols had repeatedly blamed the U.S. government for all the problems in the
world.
Federal agents then decided they had enough evidence to arrest James Nichols,
and to put out a warrant on his brother Terry, who was living in Herrington,
Kansas. On April 22, Terry Nichols, wondering why his name was being broadcast
on television, walked into the local police station in Herrington.
In the meantime, witnesses at the scene of the bombing had given FBI agents a
description of possible suspects. While interviewing people in Junction City,
agents spoke to the manager of the Dreamland Motel who recognized the composite
sketch of the suspect the FBI called Unsub #1. The man had registered at the
Dreamland from April 14 to April 18 under the name of Tim McVeigh, had driven a
yellow Mercury, and provided an address on North Van Dyke Road in Decker,
Michigan.
On April 21, Carl E. Lebron, a former co-worker of McVeigh's, recognized the
composite sketch of Unsub #1 on TV and called the FBI. He said that the man was
named Timothy McVeigh, and that he was possessed of extreme right-wing views,
was a military veteran, and was particularly agitated over the deaths of the
Branch Davidians in Waco, Texas in April 1993. The man told the FBI that McVeigh
expressed extreme anger towards the Federal Government. The man gave the FBI the
last known address he had for McVeigh: 1711 Stockton Hill Road, #206, Kingman,
Arizona.
Back in Perry, Oklahoma, McVeigh was still sitting in a cell at the Noble
County Courthouse, waiting for his arraignment. After feeding McVeigh's name
into the National Crime Information Center, the FBI discovered their suspect
sitting quietly in the Noble County jail on a traffic and weapons charge. Just
as McVeigh was about to be set free, District Attorney John Maddox received a
call from the FBI telling him to hold on to the prisoner, that he was a prime
suspect in the bombing of the Federal Building in Oklahoma City.
So, by good luck, diligent work, and an amazing series of coincidences,
federal law enforcement authorities solved the most heinous crime in the history
of the United States--all within 48 hours.
Or did they?
1
The Mannlicher-Carcanno Bomb
"It had to have been mined," said the gruff, gnarly voice on the other end of
the line. "It's real simple. You cannot bring down a building like that without
cutting charges set on the support pillars."
Bud, an ex-Green Beret who saw heavy combat in Vietnam, should know what he's
talking about. Bud had military demolitions training--the kind taught to men who
need to know how to blow up hardened targets.
"It couldn't have been done externally like that," added Bud. "Without
cutting charges, there's just no way to do it."
Bud didn't want me to use his full name. He was worried about his VA
benefits.
One man who wasn't worried about government reprisals was General Benton K.
Partin. A retired U.S. Air Force Brigadier General, Partin had responsibility
for the design and testing of almost every non-nuclear weapon device used in the
Air Force, including precision-guided weapons designed to destroy hardened
targets like the Alfred P. Murrah Building. Partin has exhaustively researched
the bombing and the resulting pattern of damage.
In a letter dated May 17, 1995, hand-delivered to each member of the Congress
and Senate, Partin stated:
When I first saw the pictures of the truck-bomb's asymmetrical damage to the
Federal Building, my immediate reaction was that the pattern of damage would
have been technically impossible without supplementing demolition charges at
some of the reinforcing concrete column bases…. For a simplistic blast
truck-bomb, of the size and composition reported, to be able to reach out on the
order of 60 feet and collapse a reinforced column base the size of column A-7 is
beyond credulity.
Although the full text of Partin's report is too complex to elaborate on
here, what he is saying is that a truck filled with ammonium-nitrate could not
have caused the degree of damage done to the Alfred P. Murrah building. Not when
it was parked at least 20 feet away from that building. Without direct contact,
the fall-off from the blast would be too great to do any serious structural
damage.(5)
Another man who knows a thing or two about bombs is Samuel Cohen, inventor of
the Neutron Bomb. Cohen began his career on the Manhattan Project at Los Alamos,
where he was charged with studying the effects of the atomic bombs that
destroyed Hiroshima and Nagasaki. During his 40 year career, Cohen worked with
every application of nuclear weapons design and testing.
Cohen stated his position in a letter to Oklahoma State Representative
Charles Key:
It would have been absolutely impossible and against the laws of nature for a
truck full of fertilizer and fuel oil… no matter how much was used… to bring the
building down.(6)
Interestingly, the Ryder truck-bomb has earned the nick-name the "Mannlicher-Carcanno
Bomb" after the cheap Italian-made rifle with a defective scope that was
allegedly used to kill President Kennedy. District Attorney Jim Garrison joked
during the Shaw conspiracy trial that the government's nuclear physics lab could
explain how a single bullet could travel through President Kennedy and Governor
Connally five times while making several u-turns, then land in pristine
condition on the President's gurney.
In the Oklahoma bombing case, it appears the government is attempting to
perform a similar feat of light and magic. The fact that a non-directional,
low-velocity fertilizer bomb parked 20 to 30 feet from a modern,
steel-reinforced super-structure could not have caused the pattern and degree of
damage it did is not being widely touted by the government or the main-stream
press. The government expects the public to believe that two disgruntled
amateurs blew up the Oklahoma City Federal Building with a homemade fertilizer
bomb.
Dr. Roger Raubach doesn't believe the government. Raubach, who did his Ph.D.
in physical chemistry and served on the research faculty at Stanford University,
says, "General Partin's assessment is absolutely correct. I don't care if they
pulled up a semi-trailer truck with 20 tons of ammonium-nitrate; it wouldn't do
the damage we saw there."
Raubach, who is the technical director of a chemical company, explained in an
interview with The New American magazine:
"The detonation velocity of the shock wave from an ANFO
(ammonium-nitrate/fuel-oil) explosion is on the order of 3,500 meters per
second. In comparison, military explosives generally have detonation velocities
that hit 7,000 to 8,000-plus meters per second. The most energetic
single-component explosive of this type, C-4--which is also known as Cyclonite
or RDX--is about 8,000 meters per second and above. You don't start doing
big-time damage to heavy structures until you get into those ranges, which is
why the military uses those explosives."(7)
The government is not happy about people like Dr. Roger Raubach. They don't
want you to know what Dr. Raubach knows.
Sam Gronning, a licensed, professional blaster in Casper, Wyoming with 30
years experience in explosives, told The New American:
"The Partin letter states in very precise technical terms what everyone in
this business knows: No truck-bomb of ANFO out in the open is going to cause the
kind of damage we had there in Oklahoma City. In 30 years of blasting, using
everything from 100 percent nitrogel to ANFO, I've not seen anything to support
that story."(8)
In an interview with the author, Gronning said, "I set off a 5,000 lb ANFO
charge. I was standing 1,000 feet from it, and all it did was muss my hair, take
out the mud in the creek that we were trying to get rid of, and it shattered a
few leaves off the trees around it. It didn't cause any collateral damage to any
of the deeply set trees that were within 20 feet of it."
The FBI has a different story to tell.
The FBI claims that Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols bought several thousand
pounds of ammonium-nitrate at a farm supply store in Manhattan, Kansas, then
drove to Geary State Park where they mixed a bomb. The FBI claims that the
suspects then hauled their magic bomb a distance of over 500 miles, where,
nearly 24 hours later, they blew up the Federal Building in Oklahoma City.
Yet what the FBI--those bastions of truth and justice--don't want you to
know, is that fertilizer-grade ammonium-nitrate isn't a very good blasting
agent. As a publication from the Atlas Powder company states:
…agricultural fertilizer prills when made into ANFO had very poor explosive
characteristics. They would not detonate efficiently because of their high
density, lack of porosity and heavy inert coatings of anti-setting agents.… The
ability of an oiled prill to be detonated depends greatly upon the density of
the prill. Dense prills, such as agricultural grade, often are not detonable at
all; or if initiated, perform at a very low rate of detonation and may die out
in the bore hole performing no useful work.(9)
U.S. Army Technical Manual TM 9-1910 states it thusly:
The grade of ammonium-nitrate used in the manufacture of binary explosives is
required to be at least 99 percent pure, contain not more than 1.15 percent of
moisture, and have maximum ether-soluble, water-insoluble acidity, sulfate, and
chloride contents of 0.10, 0.18, 0.02, 0.05, and 0.50 percent, respectively.
Moreover, a bomb like that is not easy to mix. According to Gronning, "You'd
have to stir and stir and stir to get just the right mixture for proper
combustibility. And then, if it isn't used immediately, the oil settles to the
bottom and the bomb doesn't go off."
"ANFO is easy to make if you know how to do it," adds Jeffrey Dean, Executive
Director of the International Society of Explosives Engineers, "but it takes
years of experience to work with safely." According to Dean, "It is almost
impossible for amateurs to properly mix the ammonium-nitrate with the fuel oil.
Clumps of ANFO would inevitably fail to detonate."(10)
The scenario of two men mixing huge barrels of fertilizer and fuel-oil in a
public park also stretches the limits of credulity. Such a spectacle would
surely have been seen by anyone passing by: hikers, picnickers, fishermen…
"That would have drawn so much attention," said Rick Sherrow, a former ATF
(Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms) agent with 25 years experience in
explosives. "It would have required an area twice the size of a truck just to
walk around… that would have not have gone okay."(11)
Naturally, the expert who testified for the government disagrees. Linda
Jones, an explosives specialist who has studied IRA bombings in Great Britain,
"concluded that there was one device… in the rear cargo compartment of a Ryder
truck…." Jones added that it wouldn't be difficult to build such a large bomb
"provided they had a basic knowledge of explosives and access to the
materials--it would be fairly simple. One person could do it on their own, but
more people could do it quicker."(12)
Yet while the government built its case on witness accounts of the single
Ryder truck, numerous witnesses recall seeing two trucks. Could two
trucks--one rented by McVeigh, and one rented by the suspect known as John Doe
2--have been used to transport the huge quantities of material necessary to
build such a bomb?
"I would buy two trucks simply for logistics," said Sherrow. "One truck full
of barrels of ammonium-nitrate, and you still got to put the fuel into it.
Because you don't want to put the fuel in and let it settle for days at a time.
They would have to have something to bring everything together and mix it, and
that's going to take more then one truck."
On April 17th, David King, who was staying at the Dreamland Motel in Junction
City, Kansas, where McVeigh and John Doe 2 stayed, remembered seeing the Ryder
truck with a trailer attached to it. Inside the trailer was a large object
wrapped in white canvas. "It was a squarish shape, and it came to a point on
top," said King. "It was about three or four feet high." King said that later in
the day, the trailer was gone, but the truck was still in the lot.(13)
Was this witness describing some sophisticated explosive device? Or was he
describing a Lely farm mixer? A Lely farm mixer is about four feet high with a
pointed top. What happened to this trailer? Why did we never hear anymore about
it?
Then around 2:00 a.m. on April 19, a Ryder truck pulled into the Save-A-Trip
convenience store in Kingman, Kansas, followed by a light colored car and a
brown pick-up. Assistant manager Richard Sinnett clearly recalls three men,
including McVeigh and a man resembling John Doe 2 enter the store. Yet Sinnett
was particularly struck by the odd contraption they were towing--a large
plastic, semi-transparent tank full of clear liquid.(14)
Was this diesel fuel that the bombers intended to add to their ammonium-nitrate
mixture at the last minute?
Regardless of the mountain of evidence against the government's ANFO theory,
the government has gone to great lengths to convince the jury and the public
that the Murrah Building was destroyed by a single ANFO bomb delivered by a pair
of disgruntled Right-wing extremists. In fact, the ATF televised a demonstration
of an ANFO truck-bomb detonating in an effort to prove their contention.
"They fired the thing off," said Gronning. "We saw it--it was on CNN--so
what? All it did was set off an explosion and wiggle the trees behind it. It
didn't even knock them over.
"My knowledge comes from practical handling of explosives," added Gronning.
"And my belief is that 4800 lbs of ANFO wouldn't have scuffed the paint on the
building!"
The FBI also changed the size of the bomb numerous times. They originally
claimed that it weighed 1,200 pounds, upgraded that figure to 2,000 pounds, then
to 4,000 pounds, and finally, they issued a press release stating that the bomb
weighed 4800 pounds.
"It appears the government keeps up-grading the size of the vehicle and the
'fertilizer' bomb to coincide with the damage," said retired FBI SAC (Senior
Agent-in-Charge) Ted Gunderson.
The government also originally claimed the bomb cost less than $1,000 to
build. Then just before the start of McVeigh's trial, that figure was upgraded
to $5,000. Their rationale was based on the "discovery," almost two years after
the fact, that the suspects had constructed their magic bomb with racing fuel,
not diesel fuel, which is far less expensive.
To maintain some semblance of credibility in light of increasingly publicized
reports of General Partin and others, the government also conceded--right before
the start of McVeigh's trial--that the suspects probably hadn't built their bomb
at Geary State Park after all.(15)
Even so, if Timothy McVeigh or anyone else with military training wanted to
destroy the Alfred P. Murrah Building, it is highly unlikely they would use ANFO.
As Army demolition manuals clearly state, ANFO is not good for destroying
concrete or steel. McVeigh, the consummate soldier who studied every conceivable
Army manual in his spare time--including Army Manual TM 31-210: Improvised
Munitions Handbook--certainly would have known this.(16)
Yet the FBI insists that amateur bomb-makers Timothy McVeigh and Terry
Nichols built this amazing ANFO bomb that killed 169 people and destroyed a
modern nine-story steel-reinforced concrete building. Of course, that was before
the government's damage-control apparatus went into effect. Before it did, even
the usual government talking-heads were insisting that no amateurs could have
done this.
Vince Cannistraro, ABC News corespondent and former CIA intelligence advisor
to the National Security Council stated, "This is something professional and it
really implies that the person who constructed the explosive device has
experience, was trained in the use of explosives, and knew what they were
doing."(17)
Before he began attacking critics of the government's case, Oklahoma Governor
and former FBI agent Frank Keating stated, "…obviously whatever did the damage
to the Murrah Building was a tremendous, very sophisticated explosive device."(18)
The very next day, the government was insisting that it was a homemade ANFO
bomb, made with agricultural-grade ammonium-nitrate, that did the job. FBI
Special Agent John Hersley contends that traces of a military-type detonation
cord known as PDTN (pentadirythri-tetranitrate), commonly known as Primadet,
were found on McVeigh's clothing at the time of his arrest (In another report it
was PETN, or pentaerythritol tetranitrate). PDTN was allegedly used to wire the
barrels of ANFO.(19)
One person who may shed some light on the case is senior FBI chemist
Frederick Whitehurst. Whitehurst conducted a test on McVeigh's clothing but,
according to the chemist, the test produced no results. No residue was found in
McVeigh's car either.(20)
Moreover, recent startling allegations by Whitehurst indicate that the
FBI has been slanting results of its forensic tests for years. Whitehurst's
allegations, set forth in a 30-page memorandum, criticized certain FBI
laboratory personnel for lacking qualifications and being incompetent. As one
Justice Department (DoJ) memorandum states: "Dr. Whitehurst contends that the
Explosives Unit and the Chemistry and Toxicology Unit inappropriately structure
their conclusions to favor the prosecution."(21)
According to the Wall Street Journal, "His (Whitehurst's) accusations
of bias and even manufacturing evidence have called into question several
high-profile government cases, including the Oklahoma City and World Trade
Center bombings."(22)
Whitehurst's allegations were further elaborated on in a highly revealing
report issued by the DoJ Inspector General's Office, which concluded that "[SSA
David] Williams repeatedly reached conclusions that incriminated the defendants
without a scientific basis and that were not explained in the body of the
report."
Indeed. It appears Williams reached his conclusions based, not on empirical
evidence, but on the fact that Terry Nichols allegedly purchased large
quantities of ANFO. As the OIG report states:
Without the evidence of these purchases, Williams admitted he would have been
unable to conclude that ANFO was used. Indeed, Williams stated that based on the
post-blast scene alone it could have been dynamite….
Williams claimed "that the initiator for the booster(s) was either a
detonator from a Primadet Delay system or sensitized detonating cord." Yet as
the OIG report states, "No evidence of a Primadet system or sensitized
detonating cord was found at the crime scene."(23)
Even so, scientist and bomb expert Michael Riconoscuito told Ted Gundersen
that the theory of drums of ANFO being detonated by PDTN-soaked loops of rope or
"det" cord is highly improbable, if not impossible. "The only way to obtain
blast control is with volumetric initiation," explained Riconoscuito. "This
takes electronic circuits of similar sophistication as would be required in
nuclear weapons. This sophistication is not available to the average person," he
added, stating that the resultant blast would have been "confused and
uncontrolled," and the energy would have ultimately "canceled itself out."(24)
Finally, the OIG report states: "Whitehurst questions Williams' conclusion
that none of the structural damage evident within the Murrah building was caused
by secondary explosive devices or explosions."(25)
So why is the government going to such great lengths, in spite of
overwhelming evidence to the contrary, to make us believe that the Alfred P.
Murrah Building was destroyed by an ANFO bomb? Because the government's case is
built upon the premise that Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols built their
alleged bomb with ammonium-nitrate. The calls allegedly made by McVeigh were to
stores that sell racing fuel and ammonium-nitrate. McVeigh's fingerprint is
allegedly on a receipt for ammonium-nitrate. And a small trace of
ammonium-nitrate was allegedly found at the scene. The government's case must
proceed along those lines. Any evidence that proves the bomb was made of
anything other than ANFO would not only destroy the government's case, it
would open up inquiries about who really bombed the Murrah Building… and
why.(26)
Another reason why the government has to stick with the ANFO theory is
because Michael and Lori Fortier agreed to testify in a plea-bargain that their
friend McVeigh arranged soup cans in their kitchen to demonstrate how to make a
"shaped charge." Yet as bomb experts explained, there is no way to make a shaped
charge out of a collection of ANFO barrels.
But the government doesn't want any serious inquiries as to who really blew
up the Murrah Building. The government expects us to believe that two lone
amateurs with a crude fertilizer bomb, out in the open, twenty to thirty feet
away from a hardened target, destroyed eight reinforced columns and killed 169
people. As General Partin said, such a scenario is "beyond credulity."(27)*
Interestingly enough, Rick Sherrow, who wrote an article for Soldier of
Fortune magazine entitled "Bombast, Bomb Blasts & Baloney," contends that
the General's assessment of the bombing is somehow inaccurate. Sherrow claims
that the pressure wave that would have struck the building from the [rapidly
deteriorating] blast of the ANFO bomb (375 p.s.i. according to Partin's figures)
would be more than enough to destroy reinforced concrete columns, which Sherrow
claimed in his article disintegrate at 30 p.s.i. (pounds per
square inch).(28)
To Sam Gronning, such a statement is preposterous: "That's bullshit!"
exclaimed Gronning. "Thirty p.s.i. wouldn't take out a rubber tire!"
Backing up Gronning, both Partin and Rabauch contend that at least 3,500
p.s.i. is required to destroy reinforced concrete. In a letter to Partin,
Rabauch states:
I took the liberty of checking with the leading concrete supplier in my area
in order to confirm the compressive yield figure that you used, that being 3,500
p.s.i. What I was told about concrete was very interesting. A 3,500 p.s.i.
figure is extremely low for structural concrete. A properly mixed and cured
structure of the type dealt with in your report would probably have a yield
strength of 5,600 p.s.i.(29)
Those who rush to refute the evidence presented by Partin, Raubach and
others, cite as evidence the 1982 destruction of the Marine bunker in Beirut by
a truck-bomb driven by an Islamic terrorist. In that instance, however, the
truck was driven directly into the building--a structure much smaller and
lighter than the Alfred P. Murrah Building.
In August of 1970, 1,700 pounds of ANFO parked in a van exploded outside the
Army Math Research Lab at the University of Wisconsin in Madison. Although
parked closer than the Ryder truck was to the Murrah Building, the bomb merely
blew a hole in the outer wall and took out the windows. One person was killed.
(See photo)
In 1989, Colombian narco-terrorists detonated a truck-bomb outside the
National Security Department in Bogota, Columbia. The vehicle was parked
approximately ten feet from the modern high-rise building. The bomb decimated
the face of the building, but left the support columns intact. Fifteen people
were killed.
In the summer of 1996, an IRA truck-bomb detonated in the heart of
Manchester's financial district. The device, constructed of ANFO and 3,500
pounds of Semtex, a high-velocity, military-grade plastic explosive, caused
considerable damage to the surrounding buildings, but left them relatively
intact. Although the device managed to break a lot of windows and injure 206
people, no one was killed.
On June 25, 1996, a tanker-trailer packed with RD-X plastic explosives blew
up outside the Khobar Towers apartment complex at King Abdul Aziz Air Base in
Saudi Arabia, killing 19 American servicemen and injuring hundreds more. While
the blast produced a crater 35 feet deep and 85 feet across (the crater in
Oklahoma was approximately 6 feet deep and 16 feet across, although the
government claimed it was 30 feet), it didn't do the same amount of damage done
to the Murrah Building--a building constructed to much more rigorous codes and
specifications. Yet authorities claim that the bomb was at least the size
as that which blew up the Federal Building.(30)
(See photo)
In an analogy offered by Partin, "It would be as irrational or as impossible
as a situation in which a 150 pound man sits in a flimsy chair causing the chair
to collapse, while a man weighing 1,500 pounds sits in an identical flimsy chair
and it does not collapse--impossible."
"But," contends Sherrow, "the [Murrah] Building was not designed to withstand
explosions or earthquakes, and it's basically a weak building."
Jim Loftis, one of the building's architects, doesn't agree. Loftis
told me they were asked to make the building bomb-resistant, due to Left-wing
radicals who were blowing up federal facilities in the early 1970s. Loftis also
said the building was designed to meet earthquake standards. "We designed it to
meet the building codes and earthquakes are part of that code," said Loftis.
Loftis also said that the north side of the lower level (the area impacted by
the truck-bomb) was steel-rebar reinforced concrete without windows. He also
concurred with Raubach and Partin that the pressure necessary to destroy
reinforced concrete is in the 2,500 to 4,000 p.s.i. range--a far cry from the 30
p.s.i. cited by Sherrow.(31)
Yet Sherrow concludes that since there was so much collateral damage (damage
to the surrounding buildings) the truck-bomb must have been responsible. "The
collateral damage just discounts his (Partin's) material," says Sherrow.
Israelis brought in
Two experts who seem to agree with
Sherrow are Dorom
Bergerbest-Eilom and Yakov Yerushalmi. The Israeli bomb experts were brought to
Oklahoma at the request of ATF agent Guy Hamal.
According to their report, the bomb was an ANFO bomb boosted with something more
powerful… and it had a Middle Eastern signature.(32)
Interestingly, the Athenian restaurant, which sits approximately 150 feet
northwest of the Murrah Building, was almost completely destroyed. Pieces of the
Murrah Building were actually blown into the Athenian. As video producer
Jerry Longspaugh points out, only a bomb inside the Federal Building
would be capable of projecting parts of the building into another building 150
feet away.
As Gronning notes in a letter to Representative Key: "Not in your wildest
dreams would that much ANFO affect peripheral damage at that distance. Which
leads me to suspect that another more powerful explosive was used."
According to a source quoted in the Rocky Mountain News, an
ammonium-nitrate bomb made with a racing fuel component known as hydrazine
"would create one of the largest non-nuclear blasts possible." McVeigh had
allegedly attempted to procure the substance from a dealer in Topeka, Kansas,
who refused. In fact, hydrazine is extremely hazardous and difficult to obtain.(33)
While not knowledgeable about hydrazine, Gronning noted that "C-4, for
example, would be capable of creating those kinds of pressure waves and
destroying the local foundation of the Federal Building.
"If you had 4,000 lbs of C-4 in there," Gronning said, "now you're talking a
real high-order explosive at some serious speed. And when that goes off, you're
liable to take out the thing. But I still have a problem believing even at that
distance away from the building, it would create that kind of damage. All you
have to do to see what I'm talking about is to see what kind of bomb damage you
get from a bomb in the [WWII] attacks on London."(34)
It is precisely this analogy that Sherrow attempts to use in Soldier of
Fortune. "For perspective, notes SOF 'demo' expert Donovan, "consider
that the German V-1 and V-2 missiles that devastated London carried only 1,650
pounds of an explosive not dissimilar in brisance and yield. In other words,
would three V-2s simultaneously striking the first floor of the Murrah Building
do such damage? Of course they would."
Yet the Ryder truck did not impact the Murrah Building at the speed of a
rocket, nor did it impact it at all. Even to the layperson, one can see that
such an analogy is ridiculous. In his article, Sherrow never speculates that C-4
or any other high-velocity military type explosive might have been used.
Still, the former ATF man contends that an ANFO bomb parked out in the open
could have caused the pattern and degree of damage done to the Murrah Building.
"Absolutely and without a shadow of a doubt, and I base that on 30 years in the
business, and shooting ANFO--from a couple pounds to 630 tons in one shot."
Sherrow goes on to state that Partin's conclusions were based upon mere
"theoretical analysis," not hands-on experience.
Yet Partin spent 25 years in the defense research establishment, including
hands-on work at the Ballistic Research Laboratories; Commander of the Air
Force Armament Technology Laboratory; Air Force System Command, and the Office
of the Secretary of Defense (OSD) management. Such credentials speak of a man
who knows his explosives.
It is unclear why the former ATF man was trying to discredit Partin, and by
association, others who disagreed with the government's theory. What is clear
however is that Soldier of Fortune, the magazine in which Sherrow's
article appeared, is owned by Paladin Press--a CIA proprietary. Robert K. Brown,
the magazine's publisher, is an associate of General John Singlaub, a key
Iran-Contra player who ran the genocidal Phoenix Program in Vietnam, and helped
train death squads in Central America. Both men reportedly played an ancillary
role in the 1984 La Penca bombing, which resulted in the deaths of eight
journalists. (See Chapter 14) Sherrow himself admitted to working for the CIA in
Africa. What he did there wasn't exactly clear.(35)
If the CIA (or one of its tentacles) were involved, as they invariably tend
to be in such cases, they would have a strong motive to cover up their
involvement and re-direct the investigation. The most common way of doing this
is through the use of propaganda and disinformation. While Sherrow himself has
criticized the ATF, and done several articles debunking the government's theory
regarding militia groups, this particular article appeared to be a "hit-piece"
designed to discredit any legitimate analysis of the bombing.
Yet some critics of the government's story have gone beyond the relatively
ordinary explanations of Partin, Gronning and others to suggest that the Federal
Building was destroyed by a device called an "A-Neutronic Bomb." These advocates
cite as evidence the nature of the spalling (the disintegration of the concrete
into tiny pieces) on the top of the building, and the extent of the damage to
surrounding buildings that even men like General Partin claim would be
impossible for an ANFO bomb.(36)
Larens Imanyuel, a Berkeley assistant physics professor who has studied the
bombing, is one such advocate. Imanyuel's analysis, which appeared in Veritas
newsletter, indicates that the wide extent of the collateral damage was not
consistent with a conventional explosion. As Imanyuel writes:
There was some very sophisticated bomb that was capable of causing a
tremendous blast atmospheric pressure wave that blew out windows in so many of
the surrounding buildings. This had to be some sort of very high-tech dust
explosive-like bomb--one that creates a widely dispersed explosive mixture in
the very air and then detonates it with a secondary charge. This last
spectacular high-tech bomb served the purpose of convincing the general public
that the alleged solitary truck-bomb was powerful and "devastating" enough that
it could wipe out and collapse a nearby building.
Consider the comments of a local structural engineer, Bob Cornforth, "The
range of this blast has really impressed me--the extent of the damage and the
distance out." A mile away, window frames had been pushed back two feet. On the
other hand, he inspected two buildings just a little over 200 ft. from the
so-called crater, the YMCA center and the Journal Record building, which lost
part of its pitched concrete roof. To his surprise, "The structural frames
performed extremely well. We design for 80-mph winds," which he says seems
adequate. The lack of damage to the frames, despite the massive light-structural
damage showed that the shock waves were of short duration. This was consistent
with a many-point explosion, but not with a single-point explosion large enough
to knock out the four heavy columns that had collapsed in the Murrah Building.(37)
What does Samuel Cohen have to say about the A-Neutronic bomb? "Well, I'm not
expert enough to really vouch for his statements, but I've got a hunch that it's
technically well-based. I've spoken to Michael Riconosciuto (the inventor of the
A-Neutronic Bomb) and he's an extraordinarily bright guy. I also have a hunch,
which I can't prove, that they both (Riconosciuto and Lavos, his partner)
indirectly work for the CIA."
The A-Neutronic bomb, or "Electro-Hydrodynamic Gaseous Fuel Device," was
reportedly developed by the young scientist-prodigy in the early 1980s while he
was working for Hercules Manufacturing in Silicon Valley, CA. The first bomb
test at the Pentagon's super-secret Area 51 in Nevada apparently resulted in the
death of a technician and injured several others due to their underestimation of
its power. The project was reportedly compartmentalized and classified under a
"Nuclear Weapons" category by President Reagan. (For a description of the
device, see Appendix)
According to Imanyuel, a member of a public watch-dog group that monitors
military and nuclear procurement activities, "The design would be particularly
suitable for use as a cruise missile warhead, where a non-nuclear charge is
required that can reliably destroy a hardened target despite a several-meters
targeting error. Such weapons are designed as part of the Advanced Technology
Warhead Program of Lawrence Livermore and Los Alamos National Laboratories."
Ted Gundersen, who has independently investigated the bombing, included
numerous letters and memos in his report which pointed to the existence of such
a device. He reported that the government contract number for the bomb was
DAAA-21-90-C-0045, and was manufactured by Dyno-Nobel, Inc., in Salt Lake City.
Dyno-Nobel was previously connected with Hercules Manufacturing, where
Riconosciuto worked. Not surprisingly, the Department of the Army denies that
contract DAAA-21-90-C-0045 exists. Dyno-Nobel refused to respond to inquiries
from Gundersen or the author.(38)
Curiously, the bomb specialist the government called as its expert witness
during the Federal Grand Jury testimony was Robert Hopler. Hopler recently
retired from Dyno-Nobel. How interesting.
Sherrow raised the issue of the Electro-Hydrodynamic Gaseous Fuel Device in
his Soldier of Fortune article. According to Imanyuel, "Gundersen's bomb
model was clearly unworkable as presented in Soldier of Fortune, but
contained the essential information that the bomb generated an electrostatically
charged cloud."(39)
One victim in the HUD office in the Murrah Building described in a National
Public Radio interview on May 23, 1995 how she felt a heat wave and a static
electricity charge immediately before the windows blew in.
Daina Bradley, who lost her mother and two children in the bombing, said she
felt electricity running through her body right before the bomb went off.(40)
Another victim, Ramona McDonald, who was driving about block away, remembers
seeing a brilliant flash and described the feeling of static electricity. "It
made a real loud static electricity sound. It sounded like big swarm of
bees--you could actually hear it. The next thing was a real sharp clap, like
thunder.…"
McDonald also described both gold and blue flashes of light. Interestingly,
Riconiscuto has called his device "Blue Death."(41)
Another survivor of the blast was quoted on CNN as saying, "It was just like
an atomic bomb went off. "The ceiling went in and all the windows came in and
there was a deafening roar…"(42)
Proponents of the A-Neutronic Bomb conclude that these are all signatures of
such a device.(43)
While both Gundersen and Riconosciuto have received ridicule for suggesting
that a super-secret pineapple-sized device may have destroyed the Murrah
Building, Cohen cautions: "Look, when I first came up with that concept (the
Neutron Bomb, developed in the 1970s), the ridicule I took from the scientific
community was something awful. And this included scientists at the Nobel Prize
level."
"Regarding Riconosciuto," adds Cohen, "the guy's a madman… but technically,
there's no doubt in my mind that he's brilliant."(44)
Gene Wheaton, a former Pentagon CID investigator, claims that the fuel-air
bomb was deployed in the Gulf War, along with other experimental weapons
responsible for much of the massive devastation inflicted on Iraq.(45)
The fuel-air explosive, or FAE, can cover an area 1,000 feet wide with blast
pressures of 200 p.s.i. According to a CIA report on FAEs:
[T]he pressure effects of FAEs approach those produced by low-yield nuclear
weapons at short ranges. The effect of an FAE explosion within confined spaces
is immense. Those near the ignition point are obliterated. Those at the fringes
are likely to suffer many internal… injuries, including burst eardrums and
crushed inner-ear organs, severe concussions, ruptured lungs and internal
organs, and possible blindness.(46)
Moreover, it seems that Messerschmitt-Bolkow-Blohm supplied Iraq with plans
for a fuel-air explosive. The blueprints were allegedly passed on to the Iraqis
by the Egyptians, and Iraq commenced commercial production of the weapon--the
force of which is the equivalent of a small atomic explosion.(47)
What is interesting to note is that a few minutes before 9:00 a.m. on April
19, a young Arabic man carrying a backpack was seen in the Murrah Building
hurriedly pushing the elevator button as if trying to get off. A few minutes
after he exited the building, the bomb(s) went off. What is even more
interesting is that the elevator doors, which were on the opposite side of the
building from the truck-bomb, had their doors blown outward.
Another former military source agreed that a similar, but not quite identical
device as the fuel-air explosive exists. "It's called a Special Atomic
Demolition Munitions or SADM," said Craig Roberts, a Lt. Colonel in Army Reserve
Intelligence. According to Roberts and Charles T. Harrison, a researcher for the
Department of Energy and the Pentagon, this munition has been deployed with
artillery units in Europe. The SADM… can also be carried in a backpack!
Another source who has monitored top-secret weapons projects confirmed this
information:
I do not know a lot about SADM's, but I have friends--ex British SAS and
RAF--who were trained in their use a few years ago for behind-the-lines sabotage
in the event of a Russian breakthrough in Europe. They believe from their
still-serving military contacts that the earlier football sized back pack
weapons that they were trained on have been significantly microed such that a
device would now easily fit in a grapefruit and deliver 5-10 tons TNT
equivalent-- or less (ie: down to 1 ton TNT). These things easily fit into a
105mm howitzer shell or a brief case.…
Exactly what components are utilized in these weapons is difficult to get as
the still serving British officers are reluctant to talk about them in detail.
One can assume that a mixture of Plutonium 239 (highly refined hence relatively
low radioactivity emission on detonation), Lithium 6 Deuteride Tritide, Tritium,
and possibly Beryllium and Uranium 238 (NOT 235) would be involved as a series
of lenses in a Bi-Conical shape. I am endeavoring to get more data but this a
very touchy area…(48)
According to an article in the The Nashville Tennessean, Iraq's Saddam
Hussein has been developing 220 pounds of lithium 6 per year. Lithium 6 can be
converted to Tritium, an essential ingredient in thermonuclear reactions.(49)
Other sources say that 6,000 to 7,000 SADM's were produced, some of which
made their way to Israel and other countries.(50)
Sam Cohen confirms this information. Writing in the Fall issue of Journal of
Civil Defense, Cohen, echoing Harrison, charged that the U.S. has
purposefully underestimated the number of nuclear warheads that Iran, Iraq and
North Korea could produce, and deliberately discounted their capacity to produce
substantially smaller warheads.
"A couple of years ago," states Cohen, "disturbing statements on advanced
small, very low-yield nuclear warheads, began emanating from Russia.(51)
Cohen adds that these articles "revealed a massive smuggling ring had emerged
where the material was being sold around the world to a number of countries,
some of which were terrorist nations."(52)
Writing in Nexus Magazine, Australian journalist and military
authority Joe Vialls points out that the bombing which destroyed a financial
center in London in July of 1993, and which almost destroyed the World Trade
Center in New York four months later, could not have been caused by conventional
explosives. In a bizarre coincidence predating Cohen's analysis, theoretical
physicist and former Pentagon nuclear expert Theodore B. Taylor stated in his
book, The Curve of Binding Energy, that someday someone was going to blow
up the World Trade Center with a nuclear device the size of a stick of gum.
Taylor's prediction first appeared in the New Yorker magazine in 1973.(53)
Vialls adds that the British government was quick to blame the London attack
on an IRA (Irish Republican Army) truck-bomb, in the same manner that U.S.
authorities were quick to blame the Oklahoma bombing on a truck-bomb constructed
by a pair of so-called disgruntled anti-government loners. Yet at the same time
the British government was issuing these statements, their bomb technicians were
exploring the bomb site in full nuclear protective suits.
Had the Murrah Building been destroyed by a SADM or a backpack nuke, using
the truck-bomb as a cover? What is interesting is that British bomb experts,
who've had extensive experience dealing with terrorist truck-bombs, told
McVeigh's attorney, Stephen Jones, that the ANFO bomb could not have done all of
the damage to the Murrah Building.(54)
British bomb expert Linda Jones, testifying for the prosecution in McVeigh's
trial, came to the opposite conclusion however.
Nevertheless, the site was quickly demolished and covered over with concrete;
the remains taken to a secure dump and buried. What was the government trying to
hide? Nuclear Physicist Galen Winsor, General Ben Partin, and KPOC manager David
Hall went to the building and disposal sites with radiation measuring equipment,
but were kept away. They managed to gather some fragments anyway, and when they
measured them with Winsor's NaI Scintillator detector, they registered radiation
levels 50 percent higher than normal.(55)
The specter of radioactive terrorism is not exactly brand new. In Paris, the
French secret police foiled terrorists planning to set off a conventional bomb
designed to spread particles of deadly radioactive plutonium in the air.
Cohen suggests that if it had been a radioactive attack, and it were made
public, it would have panicked a public already frightened about terrorist
attacks: "If the perpetrators had been able to get their hands on just a
traceable amount of radioactivity, and mixed it up with the explosive, so that
it would virtually assure that it would be picked up by some detecting meter,
and this had gotten out, that there was a fairly copious amount of radioactivity
in the explosive, all hell would have broken loose…. It would scare the pants
off a very large fraction of the U.S. citizenry, by saying this was used by
terrorists, and contaminated an area…"(56)
Given the government's long history of covering up radiation tests on U.S.
citizens, from radiating entire towns downwind of nuclear test sites, to
slipping radioactive isotopes to crippled children in their oatmeal, it goes
without saying that they would also cover this up.
"A new class of nuclear weapons could exist which could have an extremely
disturbing terrorist potential," said Cohen. "And to admit to the possibility
that the warheads might be sufficiently compact to pose a real terrorist threat
was equally unacceptable [to the government]."(57)
So was the Federal Building blown up by demolition charges, a truck filled
with C-4, a fuel-air explosive, a miniature nuke, or some combination of the
above?
"It really doesn't make any difference," says Cohen. "From the standpoint of
practicality… I would lean towards Ben Partin. Because all the stuff Partin's
put out, it just holds up--it makes eminent sense--he doesn't have to get into
this exotica. Partin says using ordinary Primacord wrapped around these pillars
could have done the job." (58)
In fact, it does make quite a bit of difference from an investigative point
of view, since the more sophisticated the bomb, the more sophisticated the
bombers. And Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols weren't that sophisticated.
KFOR-Channel 4 reported that the mysterious severed leg clothed in military
garb found in the rubble allegedly had PVC embedded it. PVC pipe is sometimes
used to pack plastic explosives. It increases the shear power. Had this leg,
unmatched to any of the known victims, belonged to the real bomber?(59)
In fact, it does make quite a bit of difference from an investigative point
of view, since the more sophisticated the bomb, the more sophisticated the
bombers. And Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols weren't that sophisticated.
KFOR-Channel 4 reported that the mysterious severed leg clothed in military
garb found in the rubble allegedly had PVC embedded it. PVC pipe is sometimes
used to pack plastic explosives. It increases the shear power. Had this leg,
unmatched to any of the known victims, belonged to the real bomber?(60)*
Then on March 20, 1996,Strategic Investment newsletter reported that a
Pentagon study had been leaked which backed up General Partin's analysis:
A classified report prepared by two independent Pentagon experts has
concluded that the destruction of the federal building in Oklahoma City last
April was caused by five separate bombs. The two experts reached the same
conclusion for the same technical reasons. Sources close to the Pentagon study
say Timothy McVeigh did play a role in the bombing but peripherally, as a
"useful idiot." The multiple bombings have a Middle Eastern "signature,"
pointing to either Iraqi or Syrian involvement.(61)
Finally, in the Spring of 1997, explosives experts at Eglin Air Force Base's
Wright Laboratory Armament Directorate released a study on the effects of
explosives against a reinforced concrete building similar to the Federal
Building. The Air Force's test closely matched the conditions under which the
government contends the Murrah Building was destroyed.
The Eglin Blast Effects Study, or EBES, involved a three-story reinforced
concrete structure 80 long, 40 feet wide, and 30 feet high. The building
constructed for the test, the Eglin Test Structure (ETS), while smaller than the
Murrah Building, was similar in design, with three rows of columns, and
six-inch-thick concrete panels similar to those in the Murrah Building. Overall,
the ETS was considerably weaker than the Murrah, which had five times the amount
of steel reinforcing than the ETS, and 10 times the amount of steel in its
columns and beams. As New American editor William Jasper noted in regards
to the EBES:
If air blast could not effect catastrophic failure to the decidedly inferior
Eglin structure, it becomes all the more difficult to believe that it was
responsible for the destruction of the much stronger Murrah Building.
The experts at Eglin conducted three tests. They first detonated 704 pounds
of Tritonal (equivalent to 830 pounds of TNT or approximately 2,200 pounds of
ANFO), at a distance of 40 feet from the structure, equivalent to the distance
the Ryder truck was parked from the Murrah Building. The second test utilized an
Mk-82 warhead (equivalent to 180 pounds of TNT) placed within the first floor
corner room approximately four feet from the exterior wall. The third test
involved a 250-pound penetrating warhead (equivalent to 35 pounds TNT), placed
in the corner of a second floor room approximately two and a half feet from the
adjoining walls.
The first detonation demolished the six-inch-thick concrete wall panels on
the first floor, but left the reinforcing steel bars intact. The 14-inch columns
were unaffected by the blast--a far cry from what occurred at the Murrah
Building. The damages to the second and third floors fell off proportionally,
unlike that in Oklahoma City. The 56-page report concluded:
Due to these conditions, it is impossible to ascribe the damage that occurred
on April 19, 1995 to a single truck-bomb containing 4,800 lbs. of ANFO. In fact,
the maximum predicted damage to the floor panels of the Murrah Federal Building
is equal to approximately 1% of the total floor area of the building.
Furthermore, due to the lack of symmetrical damage pattern at the Murrah
Building, it would be inconsistent with the results of the ETS test [number] one
to state that all of the damage to the Murrah Building is the result of the
truck-bomb. The damage to the Murrah Federal Building is consistent with damage
resulting from mechanically coupled devices placed locally within the
structure....
It must be concluded that the damage at the Murrah Federal Building is not
the result of the truck-bomb itself, but rather due to other factors such as
locally placed charges within the building itself.... The procedures used to
cause the damage to the Murrah Building are therefore more involved and complex
than simply parking a truck and leaving....(62)
Even the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) was forced to conclude
that 4,800 pounds of ANFO could have not caused the so-called crater in Oklahoma
City. FEMA's report, published on August 30, 1996, inadvertently concluded that
the bombers would have had to use approximately three times the amount
reportedly used in Oklahoma City.(63)
Another interesting confirmation came from FBI agent Danny Defenbaugh, who,
along with U.S. Attorney Beth Wilkerson, visited General Partin in June of 1995.
Part of the team that prosecuted McVeigh and Nichols, Wilkerson interviewed
Partin on the presumption that he would be called as a witness. "…and [Agent
Defenbaugh] was going through the report that I did," said Partin, "and he put
his finger on that picture I had in the report… the designated crater, and he
said, 'Suppose I told you that is not the crater?'"
Partin believes Wilkerson and Defenbaugh (who Partin described as
belligerent) interviewed him as part of a ruse to find out what he knew about
the blast(s), so the government could carefully avoid those issues at trial.
While they pretended to be interested in Partin's analysis, they never kept
their word to follow up the interview.
"I think what they did," said Partin, "was they looked at my credentials and
technical justification of all this stuff, and they felt found that what I had
was based on some pretty sound footing.… I think that's why they framed the case
the way they did."(64)
Whatever blew up the Alfred P. Murrah Building, one thing's for sure, there
was enough ANFO present at the site to leave visible traces. Randy Ledger, a
maintenance man who was in the building at the time of the blast, claims fellow
workers who rushed into the building immediately after the explosion "complained
of burning eyes, heavy dust and choking lungs. That is right out of the textbook
of a diesel-fertilizer bomb, because it creates nitric acid," said Ledger. "The
guys I work with, they're not going to make it up that their eyes are burning."(65)
Dr. Paul Heath, a VA psychologist who was on the fifth floor of the building
at the time of the blast, said, "I picked fertilizer out of my skin… I could see
the fertilizer actually exploding in the air; you could see it popping all
around you."
Ramona McDonald, who also survived the blast, concurs with Heath. "There was
a bright flash, and then boom! And you could see the fertilizer popping in the
air."
Given this scenario, it's reasonable to conclude that the Ryder truck was
filled with something more powerful, with just enough ANFO to leave a visible
trace.
Cohen agrees. "The damage that resulted could not have occurred from a van
parked outside… I don't care how fancy an explosive was used. What did in that
building… was an inside job."
It would appear that experts' analysis' are not the only evidence of an
inside job. In an interview with a local TV station, a man who escaped the
building said, "I was sitting at my desk, and I felt a rumbling, a shaking in
the building… so I decided to get under my desk.… the glass windows blew in and
knocked down the ceiling and some of the stuff above the ceiling and it all
landed on top of my desk."
Another man said, "I thought it was an earthquake because I resided in
California for many years, and it was almost like it was in slow motion. I felt
a shake, and then it began shaking more, and I dove under my desk, and then the
glass all came flying in."
A friend of Dr. Ray Brown's, who's secretary was in the building said, "She
was standing by a window. The window cracked, then she got away from it and then
she was blown across the room and landed in another woman's lap. Another woman I
know, Judy Morse, got under her desk after feeling the building shake, and
before the glass flew."
"Dr. Brian Espe, who was the sole survivor in the Department of Agriculture's
fifth floor office, told the author he first "heard a rumbling noise."
According to these individuals' accounts, if the truck-bomb--the alleged sole
bomb--had detonated first, how would they have felt a rumbing, had time to think
about the situation, then dive under their desks? The resulting blast wave from
the truck-bomb would have been immediate and total. Such an account could only
be indicative of demolition charges placed inside the building.(66)*
"The inside charges--demolition charges," said Cohen, "may have gone off
first, and so the columns now started to collapse. Boy, that would produce one
hell of a rumble, to put it mildly…."(67)
A caller to the Oklahoma Radio Network related the experiences of his friend,
a Federal Government worker, who had witnessed the blast first-hand. "He was
approximately five blocks from the building whenever the building went up. He
claims that the top of the building went up like a missile going through it. The
debris was coming back down when the side of the building blew out. He said
third and last, the truck blew up on the street."(68)
Notice this witness said the building "blew out." This is contrary to the
effect of an explosive blast from the street blowing the building in.
Candy Avey, who was on her way to the Social Security office when the
explosions occurred, was blown away from the building, struck a parking
meter, and then hit her car.(69)
Said Suzanne Steely, reporting live for KFOR, "We could see all the way
through the building. That was just the force of the explosion--it just blew
out all the walls and everything inside."(70)
These descriptions also correlate to that of Ramona McDonald, who saw a flash
and smoke rising up from inside the building, "like a rocket had shot out
the top of the building."(71)
As should be obvious to the reader by now, no ANFO bomb parked out in the
street would have the force to blow all the way through a huge superstructure
like the Alfred P. Murrah Building.
No matter how hard the government tried to lie, obsfucate, and distort the
truth, the evidence would come back to haunt them.
On April 19, a tape recording made during a conference at the Water Resources
Board directly across from the Murrah Building appears to indicate a succession
of blast events, spaced very close together.(72)
The tape recorder at the Water Resources Board was not the only instrument
recording explosions that morning. The seismograph at the Oklahoma Geological
Survey at the University of Oklahoma at Norman, 16 miles from the Murrah
Building, recorded two waves, or "two events," on the morning of April 19th.
Another seismograph at the Omniplex Museum, four miles away from the Federal
Building, also recorded two events. These seismic waves, or "spikes," spaced
approximately ten seconds apart, seem to indicate two blasts. (See Appendix)
Professor Raymond Brown, senior geophysicist at the University of Oklahoma
who studied the seismograms, knew and talked to people inside the building at
the time of the blast. "My first impression was, this was a demolition job,"
said Brown. "Somebody who went in there with equipment tried to take that
building down."
Not so, according to the U.S. Geological Survey's analysis. The USGS put out
a press release on June 1st, entitled "Seismic Records Support One-Blast Theory
in Oklahoma City Bombing."
The bomb that destroyed the Alfred P. Murrah Building in Oklahoma City
produced a train of conventional seismic waves, according to interpretations by
scientists with the U.S. Geological Survey and the Oklahoma Geological Survey (OGS).
Scientists from those agencies said the seismic recordings of the May 23
demolition of the building reproduced the character of the original, April 19th
seismic recording by producing two trains of seismic waves that were recorded on
seismometers near Norman, Okla.
"Seismic recordings from the building's implosion indicate that there was
only one bomb explosion on April 19," said Dr. Thomas Holzer, a USGS geologist
in Menlo Park, Calif. Holzer is one of several USGS and OGS scientists who
analyzed the shock waves created by the April 19 explosion and the May 23
implosion.(73)
Holzer added that the two distinct waves from the April 19 explosion(s) were
the result of the same wave traveling at two different speeds through two
separate layers of the earth's crust. The "illusion" of a double explosion was
simply the result of the building's collapse, he claimed. "So the bottom line
then," said Holzer, "is I think these observations are totally consistent with a
single explosion. It doesn't require multiple explosions to do it."(74)
Dr. Brown has an honest difference of opinion with folks at the U.S.
Geological Survey. "I will candidly say that we are having trouble finding that
velocity difference," said Brown. "We have not identified a pair of layers that
could account for the ten-second difference.
"Whatever the USGS saw in that data convinced them that the original blast
was one bomb," he added. "I find that hard to believe…. What was uncomfortable
and might be construed as pressure is that they were going to come out with a
press release that says we have concluded that data indicates one bomb. It puts
us in the uncomfortable stance of saying that we, too, have concluded that, and
we haven't."
Yet the USGS press release said that Dr. Charles Mankin of the OGS, Brown's
boss, was "pleased with the work performed by Dr. Holzer and his USGS colleagues
in the analysis of the seismic records." Yet Mankin had actually urged Holzer to
delay the press release. "Everybody that has looked at the signal has said a
refraction (an echo) would really be strange because there's absolutely no loss
of energy in the recorded seismic signal. The second event has the same
amplitude as the first… The arrival time is wrong for a refracted wave… We've
ruled out reflections, refractions, and the air blast… We determined that these
two records of these two events corroborate our interpretation that there were
two explosions."(75)
The main-stream media, of course, jumped on the USGS's findings, with
headlines like "Single Bomb Destroyed Building" and "Seismic Records Shake
Murrah Multiple Bomb Theory."
"The news media even reported two bomb blasts initially," said Mankin, "but
later changed their story."
"The USGS's conclusions are not supported by either data or analysis," added
Brown, who asked that his name be taken off the report. Although Brown cautions
that his own conclusions are far from conclusive and require "more thorough
investigation," the most logical explanation for the second event says Brown, is
"a bomb on the inside of the building."
"Even the smallest of those detonations (from the May 23rd demolition) had a
larger effect on the recording than the collapse of the building," he added,
"which demonstrates that the explosives are much more efficient at exciting the
ground motion than is the collapse of three-fourths of the building. So it is
very unlikely that one-fourth of the building falling on April 19th could have
created an energy wave similar to that caused by the large [truck-bomb]
explosion."(76)
One of the problems with the two event theory is that the spikes on the
seismic readings were ten seconds apart. With that much difference, most
everybody in the vicinity should have heard two separate blasts. But given the
traumatic nature of being in the immediate vicinity of a bombing, would
witnesses necessarily have heard two explosions? Although the sound of a
truck-bomb would certainly have made a loud, roaring noise, complete with lots
of smoke and flying debris, experts say that the "crack" of a C-4 cutting charge
is "downright disappointing" to hear.
One man who works as a parking garage attendant one block north of the Murrah
Building told The New American that he was test driving a new pickup
truck near the building when the bomb went off. "It seemed like one, big, long
explosion," he said, "but I can't say for sure. My ears were ringing and glass
and rocks and concrete were falling all over and around me."(77)
Dr. Paul Heath, who was on the fifth floor, says he heard only one blast. But
fellow VA worker Jim Guthrie stated in an interview with the Washington Post:
"I felt a boom and was picked up off my feet and thrown under a water
fountain." He heard a second explosion and covered his ears. Diane Dooley, who
was at a third floor stairwell, also believes she heard a second explosion.(78)
P. G. Wilson, who worked in the Murrah Building, told researcher Michele
Moore, "A second explosion came after the first one and shards of glass began
flying in the office."(79)
Hassan Muhammad, who was driving for a delivery service that day, had his
ears ruptured by the explosions. Muhammad told the author he clearly recalled
hearing two distinct blasts. "…when I was crossing the street [at 10th and
Robinson]… the first explosion went off, and it was a loud explosion. And my
friend who was coming out of the warehouse asked me what was it, because we
thought it was a drive-by shooting… and we got on the ground, and by the time we
got on the ground, another one went off, and that's when all the windows came
out." Muhammad recalls that it was about three to four seconds between blasts.(80)
Jane C. Graham, a HUD worker injured in the bombing, also clearly felt two
distinct blasts. As Graham stated in a videotaped deposition: "I want to specify
that the first bomb--the first impact--the first effect, was a waving effect,
that you got when the building was moving, you might have maybe felt a little
waving, perhaps an earthquake movement, and that lasted for several seconds.
"About 6 or 7 seconds later, a bomb exploded. It was an entirely different
sound and thrust. It was like it came up right from the center up. You could
feel the building move a little.… But there were two distinct events that
occurred. The second blast not only was very, very loud, it was also very
powerful. And as I said, I just felt like it was coming straight on up from the
center of the building--straight up."(81)
Michael Hinton, who was on a bus near NW 5th and Robinson--one block
away--also heard two explosions. "I had just sat down when I heard this violent
type rumble under the bus," said Hinton. "It was a pushing type motion--it
actually raised that bus up on its side. About six or seven seconds later
another one which was more violent than the first picked the bus up again, and I
thought that second time the bus was going to turn over."
(82)
What Hinton is describing is consistent with a two-bomb scenario. The first,
smaller explosion being the more subdued blast of the demolition charges. The
second, larger explosion being the blast of the truck-bomb--the blast pressure
wave of which almost tipped the bus over.
In an interview with Media Bypass magazine, attorney Charles Watts,
who was in the Federal Courthouse across the street, described hearing, and
feeling, two separate blasts:
Watts: I was up on the ninth floor, the top floor of the Bankruptcy
Court, with nothing in between the two buildings. We were on the south side, out
in the foyer, outside the courtroom. It was nine o'clock, or just very, very
shortly thereafter. Several lawyers were standing there talking and there was a
large explosion. It threw several of the people close to me to the floor. I
don't think it threw me to the floor, but it did move me significantly, and I
threw myself to the floor, and got down, and about that time, a huge blast,
unlike anything I've ever experienced, hit.
Media Bypass: The blast wave hit?
Watts: A second blast. There were two explosions. The second blast made
me think that the whole building was coming in.
Watts, a Vietnam veteran, has experienced the effects of bombings, including
being within 100 feet of B-52 air strikes. Watts told Media Bypass he
never experienced anything like this before.(83)
Another veteran who heard the blast is George Wallace, a retired Air Force
fighter pilot with 26 years in the service. Wallace, who lives nine miles
northwest of the Federal Building described the blast as a "sustained, loud,
long rumble, like several explosions." Wallace likened the noise to that of a
succession of bombs being dropped by B-52s.(84)
Taken together, the evidence and witness accounts appears to indicate that
there were at least two blasts on the morning of April 19.
General Partin, along with Senator Inhoffe, Representative Key and others,
asked Congress that the building not be demolished until an independent forensic
team could be brought in to investigate the damage.
"It is easy to determine whether a column was failed by contact demolition
charges or by blast loading (such as a truck-bomb)," Partin wrote in his letter
to Congress. "It is also easy to cover up crucial evidence as was apparently
done in Waco. I understand that the building is to be demolished by May 23rd or
24th. Why the rush to destroy the evidence?"(85)
Cohen echoed Partin's sentiments: "I believe that demolition charges in the
building placed at certain key concrete columns did the primary damage to the
Murrah Federal Building. I concur with the opinion that an investigation by the
Oklahoma State Legislature is absolutely necessary to get at the truth of what
actually caused the tragedy in Oklahoma City."
Yet the feds in fact did demolish the Murrah Building on May 23, destroying
the evidence while citing the same reason as they did for quickly demolishing
the Waco compound: "health hazards." In the Waco case, what was destroyed was
evidence that the feds had fired from helicopters into the roof of the building
during the early part of the raid, killing several people, including a nursing
mother. In the Oklahoma case, what was destroyed was evidence that the columns
had been destroyed by demolition charges.(86)*
The rubble from the Murrah Building was hauled by Midwest Wrecking to a
landfill surrounded by a guarded, barbed-wire fence, sifted for evidence with
the help of the National Guard, then subsequently hauled off BFI Waste
Management and buried. Along with it was buried the evidence of what really
happened on the morning of April 19.
"It's a classic cover-up," said General Partin, "a classic cover-up."
"Everything Short of a T-72 Tank"
If the bombing of the Murrah Building was the result of an inside job, who is
responsible? Was it wired for demolition, and if so, who could have wired it?
Dr. Heath, who has worked in the Murrah Building for 22 years, was present on
the day of the bombing. Although Heath personally discounts the second bomb
theory, he explained that poor security in the building would have permitted
access to almost anyone, anytime.
"The security was so lax in this building, that one individual or group of
individuals could have had access to any of those columns," said Heath, "almost
in every part of the building, before or after hours, or even during the hours
of the workday, and could have planted bombs."
Guy Rubsamen, the Federal Protective Services guard on duty the night of the
18th, said that nobody had entered the building. Yet Rubsamen took off at 2:00
a.m., and said that nobody was guarding the building from 2:00 a.m. to 6:00 a.m.(87)
"It was a building you could have planted a bomb in anytime you wanted to,"
said Heath. "It was a building that was not secure at all. I've gone in and out
of this building with a pen knife, just by slipping a knife in the south doors,
slide the bolt back, and go in without a key. I've done that ever since the
building was new. If you wanted into it, you could have gotten into it any time
you wanted to."(88)*
Heath also explained that visitors could drive right into the garage,
anytime. "There was no guard. You could drive inside the garage--four
stories--anytime you wanted to, and carry anything you wanted to inside the
car."(89)
It appears that alleged bomber Timothy McVeigh (or someone driving his car)
did just that. On the morning of April 19, attorney James Linehan was stopped
for a light at the corner of NW 4th and Robinson at approximately 8:38 a.m. when
he observed a battered yellow Mercury run the light and drive directly into the
underground parking garage. Linehan said the driver had sharp facial features
similar to McVeigh's, although he thought the driver may have been a woman.
Referring to the well-publized scene of McVeigh being led out of the Noble
County Courthouse, Linehan said, "…that's it! That's the same profile."
Curiously, one month later Linehan said, "My gut feeling is that it was a female
driving."(90)
Why did "McVeigh" drive into the garage? Could he have done so to plant
additional bombs? Or perhaps someone in McVeigh's car made it appear that
he was doing so? A fall-guy for the real bombers?
"If McVeigh was totally outside the law, he certainly wouldn't have snuggled
up against them like driving into that basement that morning," said David Hall,
general manager of KPOC-TV in Ponca City, Oklahoma, who has investigated the
ATF's role in the bombing."
Yet Hall doesn't believe "the ATF or the FBI or anybody went around and wired
columns or anything like that. What he (Partin) said was that there may have
been some explosives stored by some columns that went off. I Don't feel that
those people set out to kill 168 people in Oklahoma City intentionally. But I
think that because of incompetence on their part that very well may have
happened in two or three different ways…"
However, shortly after the bombing, an unidentified witness called
Representative Key and told him that she saw two men in the garage who appeared
to be "sawing" on the pillars. The men were working in almost total darkness.
When she asked them what they were doing, they said, "We're just putting things
right again."
Were they "putting things right," or were they weakening the support columns
just enough to make sure that they'd fail at the appropriate moment?(91)
Then, on the Friday before the bombing, HUD worker Jane Graham noticed three
men in the garage whom she thought were telephone repairmen. As Graham stated in
her deposition, the men were holding what appeared to be C-4 plastic explosives:
"It was a block, probably 2 by 3 inches of 3 by 4, in that area, but it was a
putty color--solid piece of block--I don't know what it was. But they had that
and they had this wiring. When they saw me watching them, they were down there
and they had plans of the building. They were discussing--they were arguing in
fact--apparently there was a disagreement, because one of the men was pointing
to various areas of the garage. They were talking about, I assume, plans of the
building. I thought maybe they were telephone men at first.
"When they saw me watching them, they took the wiring--it looked like cord,
telephone cord--it was putty colored--they took whatever else was in their hand,
they put all of that back into a paper sack, they put it in the driver's side,
behind the passenger seat [of a] pale green, slightly faded station wagon."
Graham later told me that one of the men was holding a one by two by three
inch device that looked like "some sort of clicker, like a small TV
remote-control," she said.
The men stopped working abruptly when they saw Graham. "They looked
uncomfortable," she said. "They were as intent looking at me as I was at them."
She also stated that the men were not wearing uniforms and were not driving a
telephone or electric company truck. They were, however, very well built. They
"obviously lifted weights" said Graham.
(Graham's account is backed up by IRS worker Kathy Wilburn, who also saw the
trio of men in the garage, as did a HUD employee named Joan.)
Although the FBI interviewed Graham, they never showed her any pictures or
brought her before a sketch artist. "They only wanted to know if I could
identify McVeigh or Nichols," she said. "I said it was neither of these two
gentlemen."(92)
A call to the local electric, telephone, and natural gas companies revealed
that the men were not authorized repairmen. Nor were they construction workers
inspecting the premises for a proposed renovation project by the General
Services Administration (GSA). The 20 or so contractors involved in that bid
stated emphatically that the men were not their employees.(93)
While David Hall (who stopped working on the case in late 1995 due to an IRS
audit) wasn't aware of the Graham deposition, he did drop a bombshell (no pun
intended).
"We do know that explosives were delivered there without a doubt. We know
there were six boxes of 25 to 35 pounds marked 'high explosives' delivered to
the building two weeks prior to the explosion. We had contact with the truck
driver who was involved in that delivery. The name of the trucking company is
Tri-State, located in Joplin, Missouri."
Tri-state… is an explosives carrier.
"We've talked to the driver," said Hall. "We've talked to two drivers. Nobody
knows what was in them because they were boxed and marked 'high explosive.'"
Then Hall dropped another bombshell.
"We also know that the ATF had a magazine inside the building, which was
illegal. But the floor was blown out of that magazine. And there's some question
about what was in there too that created that damage, because that was a foot of
concrete that was blown out of that magazine."(94)
While several other unexploded bombs were pulled out of the wreckage, none
were widely mentioned.
One such bomb was a 2 X 2 foot box marked "High Explosives" WHICH HAD A
TIMER ON IT. This was confirmed by Oklahoma City Fire Marshal Dick Miller.
The timing mechanism apparently had been set to detonate at ten minutes after
nine. Apparently it had malfunctioned due to the initial blast.(95)
According to Toni Garrett, a nurse who was on the scene tagging dead bodies.
"Four people--rescue workers--told us there was a bomb in the building with a
timing mechanism set to go off ten minutes after nine." According to Garrett,
witnesses told her it was an active bomb. "We saw the bomb squad take it away."(96)
This fact was confirmed by an Oklahoma City Police officer who inadvertently
began to walk into the building when a fireman yelled, "Hey idiot, that's a
bomb!" The stunned officer looked over and saw the 2 X 2 box surrounded by
police crime tape. He then heard the fireman yell, "There's one over there and
another over there! We're waiting for the bomb squads to come back from hauling
off the others."
Investigator Phil O'Halloran has Bill Martin of the Oklahoma City Police
Department on tape stating that one of the bombs found in the building was two
to three five-gallon containers of Mercury Fulminate--a powerful explosive--one
not easily obtainable except to military sources.(97)
Citizens monitoring police radios heard the following conversation on the
morning of the 19th:
First voice: "Boy, you're not gonna' believe this!"
Second voice: "Believe what?"
First voice: "I can't believe it… this is a military bomb!"
(98)
Apparently, the containers, with "Milspec" (military specification) markings
clearly visible, were found in the basement. Could this explain what McVeigh's
car was doing in the underground parking garage? Mercury Fulminate is a highly
volatile booster material. Volatile enough to create a very powerful explosion.(99)
Shortly thereafter, a fireman up on the third floor of the building noticed
two military ambulances pull up to the building, and saw several men in dark
fatigues carrying stretchers from the building to the waiting ambulances. What
were on the stretchers were not bodies, but boxes, which appeared to contain
documents. One of the stretchers had on it what appeared to be a missile launch
tube. The missile, apparently part of the Army recruiting office's display, was
confirmed the 61st EOD to be inert.(100)(101)*
What is also interesting is that General Partin stated the building's support
structures failed primarily at the third floor level. In speculating who would
have access at that juncture, it may be relevant to note that the Department of
Defense (DoD) was on the third floor, adjoining column B-3, which Partin
believes contained the main detonation charge.(102)†
Partin was also informed by an acquaintance in the CIA that several of their
personnel who examined the site discovered Mercury Fulminate residue on several
rooftops near the building. (103)
Then, around the same time as the Eglin Air Force Base report was being made
public, William Northrop, a former Israeli intelligence agent, told me that a
friend in the CIA's Directorate of Operations informed him that there was
plastic explosive residue on the building's columns.
Adding more fuel to the theory of an inside job was the dismembered military
leg found in the wreckage--a leg not belonging to any of the known victims.
(Although authorities would later attempt to attribute the leg to Airman Lakesha
Levy.)
Nor was the local media attributing the bombing to the work of amateurs.
"Right now, they are saying that this is the work of a sophisticated group,"
stated a KFOR-TV newscaster. "This is the work of a sophisticated device, and it
had to have been done by an explosives expert, obviously, with this type of
explosion."(104)
Even Governor Frank Keating told local news stations: "The reports I have is
that one device was deactivated, and there's another device, and obviously
whatever did the damage to the Murrah Building was a tremendous, very
sophisticated explosive device."
Newscasters live on the scene could be heard throughout the day announcing,
"We have reports of two other bombs pulled out of the building," and "The second
two devices were larger than the first," and so on:
KFOR Channel 4: The FBI has confirmed there is another bomb in the
Federal Building. It's in the East side of the building. They've moved everybody
back several blocks, obviously to, uh, unplug it so it wont go off. They're
moving everybody back. It's a… it's a weird scene because at first everybody was
running when they gave the word to get everybody away from the scene, but now
people are just standing around kind of staring. It's a very surreal, very
strange scene.
Now, we want to get some information out to people, to people who are in the
downtown area. You don't want to stand on the sidewalk, and the reason for that
is there are gas mains underneath and if there's a second explosion, that those
gas mains could blow. But, again, we do have confirmation. There is a second
bomb in the Federal Building. We know it's on the east side. We're not sure what
floor, what level, but there is definitely danger of a major second explosion.
They're warning everybody to get as far back as they can. They're trying to get
the bomb defused right now. They are in the process of doing it, but this could
take some time. They're telling people that this is something to take very
seriously, and not to slip forward to get a look at this, because this thing
could definitely go off.
KWTV Channel 9: All right, we just saw, if you were watching, there,
there was a white pickup truck backing a trailer into the scene here. They are
trying to get people out of the way so that they can get it in. Appears to be
the Oklahoma Bomb Squad. It's their Bomb Disposal Unit, is what it is, and it is
what they would use if, if, the report that we gave you just a few minutes ago
is correct, that a second explosive device of some kind is inside the building.
They'll back that trailer in there, and the Bomb Squad folks will go in and
they'll use that trailer. You see the bucket on the back? This is how they would
transport the Explosive Device away from this populated area. They would try to
do something.
Finally, KFOR announced:
The second explosive was found and defused. The third explosive was
found--and they are working on it right now as we speak. I understand that
both the second and the third explosives were larger than the first.(105)
Paramedic Tiffany Smith, who was working with other rescue personnel in the
Murrah Building that morning, claims she was told by a black-suited ATF agent
that another bomb had been found attached to a gas line.(106)
Then at approximately 1:00 p.m., Channel 4 interviewed terrorism expert Dr.
Randall Heather. Dr. Heather stated: "We should find out an awful lot, when
these bombs are taken apart.… We got lucky today, if you can consider anything
about this tragedy lucky. It's actually a great stroke of luck, that we've got
defused bombs. It's through the bomb material that we'll be able to track down
who committed this atrocity."(107)
In fact, it is uncertain if the bombs were taken apart and examined.
As stated in a report prepared by the National Fire Protection Association: "The
device was removed in the sheriff's bomb trailer and exploded in a remote
location."(108)(109)
Incredibly, all these reports were quickly hushed up and denied later on.
Suddenly, the additional bombs inside the building became a car-bomb outside
the building, then a van containing 2,000 pounds of ANFO, then a truck
containing 4,800 pounds.
Governor Keating, who himself had reported a second device, would later
reverse his position, leading a statewide cover-up proclaiming that
Representative Key and others investigating additional bombs and suspects were
"howling at the moon," and "off the reservation."
When J.D. Cash, a journalist writing for the McCurtain County Gazette,tried
to interview members of the Bomb Squad, Fire Department and Police, he was
generally told by potential interviewees, "I saw a lot that day, I wish I
hadn't. I have a wife, a job, a family… I've been threatened, we've been told
not to talk about the devices."(110)
When I attempted to interview two members of the Sheriff's Bomb Squad who
were first on the scene, they told me there were no additional bombs
taken away or detonated. When questioned further they became visibly uptight and
referred me to their superior.
One law-enforcement official who had a little more practice at lying was
Oklahoma City FBI SAC Bob Ricks, the master propagandist of Waco fame, who
coolly stated to the press, "We never did find another device.… we confirmed
that no other device existed."(111)
The ATF, who initially denied even having any explosives in the building,
eventually recanted their statements and told reporters that the 2 X 2 foot box
was a "training bomb." I asked General Partin if there could be such a thing as
an ATF "training bomb."
"I would certainly not think so," said Partin. "Look, when you have an EOD
team--EOD teams are very well trained people. And any training device would have
to be so labeled--so labeled. And the EOD people who were there were claiming it
was explosives."(112)
Former ATF man Rick Sherrow had his own thoughts on the issue of training
bombs. "All the field offices have that material (training bombs). It's 100
percent on the outside--weighs the same, looks the same, but it has no fill--no
inert markings or anything else. I can't say absolutely that's what was found in
the building, but it's more than likely. They had stun grenades too, which are
live. They can't contribute or anything [to the damage], but they lied about it,
and that jams up their credibility."(113)
Cash interviewed GSA workers who helped the ATF unload their arsenal
room two weeks after the blast. Cash described in a series of Gazette
articles beginning on May 4, 1995, how the ATF had stored weapons, explosives
and ammunition in the Murrah Building in contravention of the very laws they
were supposed to enforce:
Both the Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms Bureau (ATF) and the Drug Enforcement
Bureau (DEA) had explosives and weapons--including an anti-tank
missile--illegally stored in the building when it blew up April 19, the
McCurtain Gazette has learned. An eyewitness observer told the Gazette
recently of assisting federal agents to remove weapons and explosive devices
from a partially-damaged arsenal inside the Federal Building after the
explosion.(114)
Yet Lester Martz, the ATF Special Agent in Charge for the region denied this.
"That locker was intact," said Martz in an interview with the Dallas Morning
News, and with the author. Martz went on to say that the blasted out area
between columns B-2 and B-4 was the result of DEA ordinance. Yet the DEA offices
were on the west side of the building on the seventh floor, nowhere near
that area. The ATF offices, however, were in close proximity to it, being
located in the top rear corner of the building, on the east side.
ATF officials were adamant in denying that no explosives were stored in the
building. But it seems they did have C-4. OCPD Officer Don Browning, who viewed
video footage taken by Sheriff Melvin Sumter, says C-4 was "definitely" carried
out of the building. Browning, a Vietnam veteran, described the explosives he
saw: "It was in wide blocks, about 3/4" thick, around 10" long, and about 2"
wide, wrapped in cellophane."(115)(116)
Moreover, Cash interviewed at least one unnamed witness who described helping
ATF agents remove ordinance from their storage locker:
"One night, up on the ninth floor, where the ATF offices [were], I helped
some of their agents load onto an elevator small arms, machine guns, several
cases of ammunition and even some boxes marked 'Explosives'" he said.(117)
On July 30th, the Gazette interviewed two more witnesses who assisted
in the post bombing clean-up. One, a civilian contractor hired by the GSA, told
the Gazette:
"They had everything! …home-made zip guns, AK-47s, sawed-off shotguns,
AR-15s, M-16s--literally hundreds of guns. You name it, they had it all… any
kind of weapon you could ever want." He also said he recalls seeing an ATF agent
with a five-gallon bucket of hand-grenades.
"They carried out every conceivable type of firearm known to man," Cash told
video producer Chuck Allen, "including hundreds of thousands of rounds of
ammunition, boxes marked explosives, hand grenades, everything short of a
Russian T-72 tank."
Finally, a witness told the Gazette :
"What was left of that [ATF magazine] room is in the far south-east end of
the ninth floor, but much of it was blown away and [apparently] disappeared into
the rubble right on top of the America's Kids Day Care Center."
The area just below the ATF's arsenal room--the coned-in area on the far left
(south-east) side of the building seen in aerial photographs--is where most of
the casualties occurred. This area extends one to two stories below the street
level. (See Appendix)
Apparently, this is not the first time such a "mishap" has occurred.
Approximately 10 years ago, some captured Soviet ordinance, including rockets
with high-explosive warheads, wound up stored at FBI headquarters in Washington,
D.C. There was a subsequent fire, and the exploding ordinance caused more than a
little consternation among firefighters, especially when one rocket took off and
blasted a two-foot diameter hole in a cinder block wall. When the story leaked
out, the ATF reacted by removing more than 30 pounds of explosives from their
offices down the street.(118)
In Allen's video, Cash makes the assertion that the massive internal damage
to the building was the result of secondary explosions caused by these illegally
stored explosives. The ordinance, which included percussion caps for C-4 (and
C-4 itself), had fallen from their ninth floor storage area after the initial
truck blast, Cash suggests, to one of the lower floors, where it detonated,
causing massive internal damage. According to Cash's experts, although C-4 is
relatively safe to handle, it can be set off with 3500 p.s.i. of pressure.
But General Partin, who explained his analysis during several interviews with
Cash, told me, "For anything to have tumbled down from up there and done the
increased damage is technically impossible… If something had fallen after that
section had collapsed and caused an explosion that brought down [column] B-3,
the thing would not have cropped the way it did. If you look up there at the top
left hand side, you don't see anything up there that would indicate that you had
a big blow-out at the top. If it had, it wouldn't of had anything to do with the
column collapsing down below--they're too far away."
I asked Partin if C-4 could explode due to the increased air pressure
resulting from the truck blast, from the weight of falling debris, or simply by
falling eight or nine stories.
"Look," said Partin, "C-4 is kinda' tough to get to go; ammonium-nitrate is
even tougher. It takes a real intense shock wave to get that kind of explosive
to go." Partin then added, "I thought I explained it to Cash, but I guess he's
persisting with his story."
Just why Cash would persist with his story while largely side-stepping
Partin's analysis is curious to say the least. Yet if the ATF were
responsible for the secondary explosion, it would seem they would have reason to
lie.(119) Not
only were they storing explosives illegally in a public building containing a
day-care center, but almost the entire contingent of approximately 13 agents was
absent on the day of the bombing (more on this later).
Was the ATF in fact responsible, knowingly or unknowingly, for the explosion
that destroyed the Murrah building? Consider the following article which
appeared in the June 5, 1995 issue of Newsweek:
For the past year, the ATF and the Army Corps of Engineers have been blowing
up car bombs at the White Sands Proving Ground in New Mexico. The project,
code-named Dipole Might, is designed to create a computer model to unravel
terrorist car-and truck-bomb attacks. By coincidence, a ATF agent assigned to
Dipole Might, happened to be in Oklahoma City on April 19th, working at the
Federal Courthouse, which stands across the street from the Murrah Building. He
saw the devastation and called the ATF office in Dallas. The Murrah Building had
just been hit by 'ANFO' (ammonium material) bomb of at least several thousand
pounds, he reported. Within minutes, explosives agents trained under Dipole
Might were dispatched to the scene. They identified the type and size of the
bomb almost immediately.
Just how this agent (Harry Eberhardt) was able to immediately ascertain the
building had been blown up by an ANFO bomb, when no forensic analysis had yet
been conducted, is unclear. When Phil O'Halloran, a freelance journalist,
attempted to ask the ATF Public Relations Bureau why a Dipole Might expert just
happened to be in the courthouse at that moment, and how he could immediately
have known the exact nature of the bomb, O'Halloran, rather than given a
rational explanation, was accused of attacking the agency and was promised a fax
of agency views on Right-wing conspiracists (which never arrived).(120)
It is also unclear why was the Sheriff's Bomb Squad was in the parking lot
between the Murrah Building and the Federal Courthouse at 7:45 that morning. The
Bomb Squad denies being there. But Norma Smith and other Federal Courthouse
employees recall seeing the Bomb Squad's distinctive white truck. "We did wonder
what it was doing in our parking lot," recalled Smith. "Jokingly, I said, 'Well,
I guess we'll find out soon enough.'"(121)
Oklahoma City attorney Daniel J. Adomitis told the Forth Worth
Star-Telegram he also saw the Bomb Squad there that morning. "As I was
passing the back side of the County Courthouse, I noticed a truck with a trailer
and the truck said 'Bomb Disposal.' I remember thinking as I passed that , 'Gee,
I wonder if they had a bomb threat at the county courthouse?'"(122)
Was the bomb squad alerted that something was in the works? Not according to
the ever-controvertful Lester Martz. "I have not come across any information
that any kind of bomb unit was at the building prior to the bombing," announced
Martz with a straight face at the same time he lauded the heroism of Luke Franey,
the ATF agent who supposedly "karate-kicked" his way through three walls.(123)
What is certain is that the Murrah Building had a bomb threat one week prior
to the 19th. Michael Hinton remembers looking out the window of his YMCA room a
week before and seeing about 200-300 people gathered outside. The incident
didn't jog his memory until the local TV networks announced on the morning of
the blast that the Federal Building had received a threat just a week before.(124)
Nurse Toni Garret recalled talking to several people who said there had been
bomb threats two weeks prior to the bombing. "The FBI and the ATF knew that
these bomb threats were real, and they did nothing about it."
Terrorism expert Dr. Randall Heather confirmed these reports, adding, "I know
that there had been a threat phoned in to the FBI last week, but I don't know
what the nature of that was."(125)
According to the Oklahoma City Fire Department, the FBI phoned in a warning
on April 14, almost a week before the bombing. Assistant Fire Chief Charles
Gaines told Glenn Wilburn, who lost two grandsons in the blast, that there was
never any warning. The grieving grandfather then walked down the hall to
Assistant Chief Dispatcher Harvey Weathers office. Weathers told Wilburn in no
uncertain terms that the Fire Department had indeed received a warning on April
14. Relating Gaines' apparent loss of memory to Weathers, he replied, "Well, you
asked me and I told you. I'm not going to lie for anybody.…"(126)
Of course, one person perfectly willing to lie for everybody was FBI
SAC Bob Ricks. When asked during a press conference if the FBI had
received a warning, Ricks said, "The FBI in Oklahoma City has not received any
threats to indicate that a bombing was about to take place."
Interesting play on words. Was Ricks surreptitiously suggesting that one of
the other FBI offices had received a warning? Or was there simply no
reason for the FBI to receive a warning because they were in charge of the
bombing from the beginning?
The transparently facile lies of the ATF and FBI are strikingly familiar to
those propounded in the wake of the 1993 World Trade Center bombing. In that
case, the FBI had one of its own informants--former Egyptian Army Colonel Emad
Eli Salem--inside the group responsible for the bombing. According to Salem, who
made secret tapes of his conversations with his FBI handler, Nancy Floyd, her
supervisor refused to let Salem substitute a harmless powder for the real
explosive. The agent then pulled Salem off the case. Soon afterwards, the bomb
blew up, killing six people and injuring almost a 1,000 more.(127)
It also seems that the "coincidence" of the ATF's Dipole Might tests were
uncannily similar to the May 24, 1990 bombing of Earth First! activist Judi Bari.
The FBI claimed that Bari and her companion Daryl Cherney, who were on their way
to a peaceful protest rally, had inadvertently blown themselves up with their
own pipe-bomb.
After Bari sued the FBI for false arrest and civil rights violations, she
found out though discovery that the FBI ran a "bomb school" at Eureka College of
the Redwoods in April of 1990 for both FBI and local police. The classes
included blowing up cars with pipe bombs, ostensibly to demonstrate the tactics
used by terrorists (the same reason cited in the ATF's case). The instructor for
this "school of terrorism" was none other than Frank Doyle Jr., the FBI bomb
squad expert who showed up at the scene of Bari's car bombing one month later.
According to Freedom of Information Act records, Project Dipole Might was
initiated under the authorization of Clinton's National Security Council. One of
the stated purposes of the project was to produce computer models of bombings to
"be displayed in a courtroom to aid in the prosecution of defendants." The
Justice Department used the video tapes shot at White Sands during McVeigh's
trial to "prove" that an ANFO bomb blew up the building. As Lawrence Myers,
writing in Media Bypass magazine wrote:
Why the National Security Council would fund such an ATF project, despite the
absolute rarity of the crime, has not been explained.… Nor has it been explained
as to what specific threat assessment information the government had when it
decided to engage in such a project, just a few months before a Ryder Truck
laden with ammonium-nitrate fertilizer exploded in front of the Murrah Building.(128)
As Myers points out, the last-known case of a truck-bomb exploding in the
U.S. was in 1970, when an ANFO bomb exploded in front of the Army Math lab at
the University of Wisconsin in Madison. Why then, would the National Security
Council suddenly feel the need for detailed information regarding ANFO
truck-bomb attacks?
Was the ATF expecting such a bombing? Were they in fact responsible for blast
or the secondary damage to the building? Or was the building wired for
demolition as part of a larger plot?
"I'm firmly convinced that the ATF is guilty of an awful lot of things," said
Bud, our ex-Green Beret. "I mean, if you look at what the ATF and the FBI did to
Randy Weaver (and at Waco), it's just awful. They've gone hog wild and have
[become] a power unto themselves."
Asked if he thought a rogue group or special unit within the
military/intelligence community could or would commit such an act, Bud replied
"It wouldn't really stun me."
Threats of violence
BYLINE: By A. James Rudin
The Plain Dealer
April 14, 1996, Sunday Pg. 3C
A nervous America will mark the first anniversary of the bombing of Oklahoma
City's federal building on April 19, a terrorist attack that killed 167 people.
And the siege by federal law-enforcement officials of the Freemen, a white
supremacist militia in Montana, is cause for even more anxiety.
Militia members were once casually dismissed as wackos or crazies, but not
any more. They are armed. They are dangerous. And their paranoid visions are
fueled by racism and anti-Semitism.
Indeed, Kenneth S. Stern's new book, "A Force Upon the Plain: The American
Militia Movement and the Politics of Hate" (Simon and Schuster), makes clear
that these home-grown terrorists have specific objectives that are buttressed by
violent fanaticism and stockpiles of lethal weapons.
Stern, the American Jewish Committee's expert on hate groups, analyzes the
economic, social and political extremism that fuels the militias. But he also
reminds us that racism and anti-Semitism, among the world's oldest pathologies,
are essential components of militia ideology.
Many militia movers and shakers are covert anti-Semites who frequently speak
in code, referring to Jews as "international bankers," "Eastern elites,"
"liberal media," or the "unseen hand" ushering in the dreaded "New World Order."
It does not matter that President George Bush, an Episcopalian, used the
term "New World Order" to describe his own foreign policy objectives following
the collapse of the Soviet Union. To militia members, Bush and all other
presidents are the willing dupes of Jews who are secretly in control of the
federal government.
The militias' hatred of Jews and Judaism is given an ugly theological
rationale by the Christian Identity movement, which traces its roots to the 19th
century and claims that white Christians have displaced the Jews as the "true
Israelites." In the bizarre world of Christian Identity, Jews are the offspring
of Satan and blacks are "pre-Adamic mud people," a sub-human species that was
created before Adam and Eve. Christian Identity also teaches that America is the
new "Promised Land" and belongs solely to white Christians.
Militia leaders call Washington, D.C., "ZOG" for "Zionist Occupational
Government." The income tax, the use of paper money instead of gold, the Federal
Reserve banking system and the Trilateral Commission are identified as part of
the Jewish conspiracy to weaken white Christians in order to control the world.
It is no accident that some militia leaders pattern themselves after the
Nazis and hang pictures of Hitler in their headquarters. And because many
Americans are ignorant of World War II and the Holocaust, the militias often
distort history and whitewash the Nazi record of mass murder.
Stern is careful to point out that not all recruits to the militia movement
are anti-Semitic. Some are drawn to groups like the Freemen because they oppose
any form of gun control; others are isolationist and xenophobic. Some are
attracted by the militias' hatred of the central government; still others are
white supremacists.
But underlying all militia thought and practice is a subtext of belief in a
sinister Jewish conspiracy. And Stern correctly warns that "movements that
dabble in anti-Semitism in whatever form are dangerous, not only to Jews but to
the fabric of democracy."
The anti-Semitism of militias is a continuation of a phenomenon I first
encountered 10 years ago in Iowa, where I spent a month visiting that state's
economically depressed agricultural communities. Religious leaders and farmers'
organizations in Iowa were sounding alarms about the rise of anti-Jewish and
anti-democratic movements. I traveled to Iowa to gain first-hand knowledge about
groups like Christian Identity, Posse Comitatus, Aryan Nations, and other hate
mongers who were telling farmers that Jews and their "Washington puppets" were
to blame for low crop and land prices.
Their ugly seeds of hate did not take root in Iowa, but I came away from the
experience with a sense of foreboding and dread. Now I know why. In time, the
hate groups moved much of their operations to the Upper Plains and the
Northwest, where they evolved into today's violent militias.
Americans are sometimes slow to recognize threats to their freedom. The
national tragedy that unfolded a year ago in Oklahoma City was a clear warning
of the dangers lurking in the mentality of militia members many of us thought
were harmless crackpots. I can only hope that the forces of law and the values
of a just society will prevail against the powers of this darkness.
Return to
the Militia page
Farm Crisis
|
February 1996
Volume 34 Number 1 |
|
The On-Going Farm Crisis:
Extension Leadership in Rural Communities
Roger T. Williams
Professor and Chairman
Health and Human Issues Department
University of Wisconsin-Madison
Internet address: dee.mack@mail.admin.wisc.edu
While much has been written about the farm crisis of the 1980s, very
little attention has been given to the on-going farm financial crisis of the
1990s. This article focuses on the on-going farm crisis, highlights data
from a survey of Wisconsin farm families, and outlines interventions that
will help Extension agents address the situation. The starting point is the
crisis of the 1980s. An understanding of that period provides the context
for responding in the 1990s.
The Crisis of the 1980s
The farm crisis of the mid 1980s was triggered by a number of
macro-economic forces. Plummeting farm values were primary: land and other
farm assets declined nearly 50% from their peak in the late-70s to their low
point in the mid-80s. Farmers who had invested large sums of money in their
farming operations and had high debt loads were hurt the worst because they
no longer had the equity to support their loans. Foreclosures and
bankruptcies became common-place as agriculture experienced the biggest
shake-out since the Great Depression of the 1930s.
The social and emotional impacts on farm families were great. Heffernan
and Heffernan (1985), in interviews with 42 Missouri families forced out of
farming, found that nearly all of the families experienced depression along
with a high incidence of withdrawal from family and friends, feelings of
worthlessness, mood swings, and increased physical aggressiveness. They also
noted a marked decline in the farmer's voluntary activities; nearly half of
the families cut back on their volunteer involvements in 4-H, Extension
homemakers, hog producers, church, school, and other activities.
Farm family impacts were documented in other states and provinces as
well. Bultena, Lasley, and Geller (1986), in a survey of 1,040 Iowa farm
families, found significant associations between the levels of financial
distress, the perceived level of personal and family stress, and a
deterioration in the life situations of farm families. Walker and Walker
(1988), in a study of 817 men and women in Western Canada, found high levels
of frequent illness, headaches, fatigue, forgetfulness, loss of temper, lack
of concentration, back pain, sleep disruptions, behavioral problems in
children, and marriage problems in farm families. Higher levels of these
stress-related symptoms were found in younger farm families. And, Beeson,
Johnson, and Ortega (1991), in a longitudinal study of Nebraska farmers from
1981 to 1986, found significantly higher rates of depression, anxiety,
cognitive impairment, and psychosocial dysfunction during the heart of the
farm crisis in 1986, with rates of reported depression almost doubling over
this five year period of time.
A Decade of Distress
The farm crisis has, nevertheless, continued. Many Wisconsin farmers have
commented that conditions are much worse now than they were during the farm
crisis of the 1980s. This can be explained through the concept of cumulative
stress. McCubbin and Patterson (1981) emphasize that stressors are additive:
stressor pile-up consists of prior and current stressors to which a person
or family has not fully adapted. And Albee (1982) argues that when we face
chronic and prolonged stress, our ability to adapt to the situation becomes
impaired and this can result in physical or emotional problems.
The stressors of the mid 1980s were followed by a series of other
stressors largely outside the control of Wisconsin farmers and there has
been little opportunity to adapt to the situation. These stressors include:
the drought of 1988; feed shortages in 1989; depressed milk prices in late
1990, continuing through 1991; drought, frost, and winterkill of alfalfa in
1992; floods and alfalfa winterkill in 1993; and extreme heat in the summer
of 1995. Most Wisconsin farmers simply haven't had the recovery time needed
to rebound from the decade of distress experienced from the mid-1980s to the
mid-1990s.
The on-going crisis is evidenced in two ways. The Farmers Assistance
Hotline within the Wisconsin Department of Agriculture, Trade and Consumer
Protection has received 500 to 700 calls a month, dating back to the fall of
1990. Increasingly, the calls have involved emotional distress: depression
is common and withdrawal, alcohol abuse, domestic violence and suicidal
tendencies are much more prevalent now than they were in the 1980s. Then,
the Harvest of Hope, a voluntary church-sponsored program that offers
financial assistance to Wisconsin farmers in difficult financial situations
has experienced significantly more applications in 1993, 1994, and 1995. The
vast majority of farm applicants have commented on the devastation caused by
the drought of 1992, the floods of 1993, the heat of 1995, and other
stresses of farming in the 1990s.
Methods
In the fall of 1994, the Health and Human Issues Department at the
University of Wisconsin-Madison worked with the Harvest of Hope Fund to
survey past recipients of Harvest of Hope funding, with two goals in mind:
(a) to determine the helpfulness of the fund, and (b) to assess the current
situation of these Wisconsin farm families. Surveys were sent to all farm
families served by the fund since its inception in 1986.
Of the 329 surveys that were sent, 163 were returned for a response rate
of 49%. Most were between the ages of 35 and 60 years old, with 26 being
under the age of 35 and 23 over the age of 60. Of those who completed the
survey, 101 were male and 60 were female (two respondents did not identify
their sex). The average farm size was 205 acres with an average of 94 head
of cattle. The vast majority (105) indicated that they were dairy farmers,
with the following numbers reporting other farming enterprises: 39 cash
crops, 12 hog, 10 beef, 7 heifer and 5 other.
Survey Results
Farmers were provided with a listing of the most common situations
outlined in Harvest of Hope applications and asked whether any of the
situations have occurred in their family in the past 10 years. Large
percentages of farmers indicated that they had experienced each problem, as
reflected in the following list (in declining order of problem severity):
drought (74%); assignment of milk check (61%); flood (54%); illness in
livestock (53%); lack of health insurance (48%); frost (43%); stray voltage
(33%); disabling illness (29%); bankruptcy (24%); hail (23%); foreclosure
(22%); barn/house fire (14%); and disabling farm accident (10%).
The responses to this question were disturbing. In addition to the fact
that large percentages of farmers reported various items, there were large
numbers of farmers who indicated they had experienced multiple
situations--three, four, five, and even six of the situations over the past
ten year period. It was also disturbing that 48% of farmers had been without
health insurance, when 29% indicated they had experienced a disabling
illness and 10% had experienced a disabling accident over this ten year
period.
Farmers were then asked what, if any, stress-related conditions have you
or your spouse experienced because of the farm financial crisis? From the
responses, it is clear that symptomatology for physical and emotional
problems was high. When the responses for both spouses were added together,
the conditions, in declining level of severity, were as follows: feel tired
all the time (172); difficulty sleeping (170); high and low mood swings
(167); feelings of worthlessness (142); withdrawal from family and friends
(125); unusually silent at times (119); depressed (115); confused/unable to
think clearly (109); restless/do anything to keep busy (93);
overeating/gaining weight (76); increased fear of people/things (57);
nauseous/loss of appetite (55); more physically aggressive (53); thoughts of
suicide (40); increased smoking (35); and increased alcohol abuse (21).
These responses were also disturbing. Nearly one-fourth of the
respondents (40) indicated that they or their spouse had experienced
thoughts of suicide. There were 13 other conditions that ranked even higher.
The level of exhaustion, depression, withdrawal from family and friends,
inability to think clearly, and negative self-worth indicate that large
numbers of these farm families were struggling with classic symptoms of
burnout. Most had experienced a decade of distress and this chronic,
prolonged stress was simply taking its toll on farm families in the state.
When asked what are the three major concerns faced by farmers in their
community, respondents shared a variety of concerns (Table 1).
Table 1
Concerns Faced by Farmers |
Concern |
Number of Responses |
Low milk or other commodity prices |
301 |
High cost of inputs |
82 |
High taxes |
70 |
Financial/cash flow problems |
51 |
Health insurance/health problems |
48 |
Ability to compete/stay in farming |
38 |
Government indifference/regulations |
36 |
Interest high/no credit |
31 |
Weather conditions |
27 |
Too much work/lack of hired help |
18 |
Lack of good markets |
14 |
Not able to enter/exit farming |
9 |
Lack of time/money for family |
9 |
Society doesn't understand farming/treats poorly |
8 |
Lack of hay/feed |
5 |
Note: Listed in declining order of priority, using a
weighted rating to assess priorities. |
Low milk or other commodity prices was, by far, the most pressing concern
of Harvest of Hope recipients. Yet, what should be clear from the responses
is the central theme of tight finances: high cost of inputs, high taxes,
financial/cash flow problems, interest high/no credit, lack of good markets,
and others. The survey also verified two observations made by Harvest of
Hope volunteers through the years: (a) many applicants were without health
insurance due to the high cost of obtaining coverage, and (b) many farm
families felt strapped to the farm due to the amount of work and the
difficulty of finding good, reliable hired help.
Farmers were then asked about their continuing needs at this time.
Respondents offered a range of different needs or issues. In declining
order, the needs were: time off (59); financial consultation (53); medical
needs (50); feed for cattle (38); legal assistance (34); food stamps (31);
someone to talk to (29); couples retreat (25); off-farm work (21); spiritual
needs (15); job training (14); farm wife retreat (14); repairs from flooding
(11); support group (10); social activities (9); see a counselor (5).
These needs were cross-checked by respondent age. While financial
consultation and time off surfaced as common needs for younger and middle
aged farmers and food stamps emerged as a common need between younger and
older farmers, the only need that appears among the top three priorities for
all three age groups is medical needs. It is clear from this survey that
medical issues (lack of insurance, inadequate insurance, disabling illness,
disabling injury, hospital or medical bills) were a major concern for farm
families in difficult financial situations.
When asked to indicate the degree of help they had received from local
agencies and organizations, several organizations were listed, including
Harvest of Hope, churches, schools, Extension, social services, mental
health agency, health care agency, community action, and food pantries. A
weighted rating was used to reflect the overall helpfulness of agencies and
the results were: Harvest of Hope (495); churches (227); extension (141);
social services (89); food pantries (81); schools (68); community action
(57); health care agencies (39); and mental health agencies (13).
Because all of the farm families surveyed had received direct financial
assistance from the Harvest of Hope, it is not surprising that they would
rate Harvest of Hope as being helpful. What is interesting is that churches
and Extension were perceived as being more responsive to farm families than
the helping agencies--social services, community action, health care
agencies, and mental health agencies--in communities. This finding
undoubtedly reflects farmers' negative experiences with these agencies as
well as their lack of awareness of helping organizations in communities.
Finally, farmers were asked what, if anything, prevented them from
gaining the needed services? Respondents provided a variety of different
answers. The one response that came through overwhelmingly was pride (24
responses). Farmers tend to be too proud and independent to reach out for
services from agencies in the community. Several farmers also commented that
they were ineligible for services (14 responses) and many responded that
they were not aware of what resources were available or how to tap into them
(13 responses). It is clear that agencies could be doing much more to help
farmers understand what services are available to farm families and what
constraints they may have in addressing farm family needs.
Interventions
What can Extension agents do to help farmers in crisis? One of the most
helpful things an agent can do is network with other agencies in the
community. Farmers in distress require a range of different resources:
financial consultation, legal advice, social support, spiritual guidance,
emergency needs (food, clothing, fuel oil), job counseling and/or job
training, emotional counseling, and others. It is helpful if agents can be
aware of these community resources and be able to refer farm families for
assistance. The referral will be much more effective if the agent knows the
job counselor or mental health counselor and can say "I know _________ and I
think you would find him/her to be most helpful with your situation."
Given farmer's lack of awareness of resources in communities, agents can
also help out by making farmers more aware of the agencies in their
communities and the services they offer. This can be done in a variety of
ways: newsletters, newspaper columns, service provider panels at Extension
sponsored meetings, and directories of helping agencies in the county or
area. The directories can be available at the Extension office and at all
meetings offered by Extension, at the county fair, in churches and schools,
and in the offices of all helping agencies in the community. A number of
Extension offices in Wisconsin have been involved in developing agency
directories--some elaborate, some simple--and it has been viewed as most
helpful by farm families in need.
What else can Extension agents do? Agents can also take a leadership role
in sponsoring workshops on topics of concern to distressed farmers, offering
one-on-one counseling to farmers in distress, getting farmers linked with
print and video resources that may be helpful to them, initiating farm
family support groups, and training formal and informal helpers to be more
responsive to farm families in distress. Work in these arenas can counteract
the criticism sometimes leveled at Extension agents that "Extension only
works with the most successful farmers in the county."
Some of the needs for financial and legal assistance that were identified
in the Harvest of Hope survey can be addressed through a combination of
workshops, one-on-one counseling, and linking farmers with print and video
resources. This is an arena where Extension has functioned well in the past.
Yet, there is a need to recognize the special needs of farmers in distress
and to target some services toward these farm families. Workshops that focus
on legal options and more intensive one-on-one financial counseling sessions
can be most helpful. Video resources may be more helpful than print
resources with farm families that are depressed, exhausted, and not able to
think clearly. Videos that highlight alternative economic options
(diversifying the farming operation, starting a business in the home,
seeking off-farm employment) can be most helpful if they involve farmers
talking about options that have worked for them (Williams, 1989).
The need for social support is also apparent from the Harvest of Hope
survey. A number of farmers identified their needs for: someone to talk to,
couples retreat, farm wife retreat, support group, and social activities.
Agents wanting to establish farm family support groups have a number of
barriers to overcome: (a) farm families have become more and more isolated
as the crisis has continued, (b) families often lack the time and energy to
become involved, and (c) the pride and independence of farm families can
make it difficult for them to share heartfelt concerns. Some of these
barriers can be overcome by following basic principles of support group
formation: go where the energy is; decide on a purpose; include time for
socializing; share responsibility for the group; emphasize nurturing and
acceptance; make sure people have a chance to talk; encourage contacts
between sessions; and emphasize the importance of confidentiality (Williams,
1990; Williams 1989). While it may be difficult to get a support group
established, it can be a powerful resource for farmers in distress. One
farmer from southwestern Wisconsin commented that "This group is my
lifeline" and he meant it literally: it was his group that gave him the
support he needed to go on living.
Creating a more supportive climate for farmers in their communities can
also be a helpful role for Extension agents. This means going beyond agency
networking to train formal and informal helpers in the community to be more
responsive to farmers in need. The farm culture is unique--farm families are
proud, independent, and self-reliant and these qualities make it hard for
farm families to reach out for help when they are in need. Formal helpers
(health, mental health, social services, clergy, community action,
employment and training staff) and informal helpers (veterinarians, milk
testers, creditors, agribusinesses, consolidated farm service workers) can
be most helpful if they understand the farmers' dilemma and how to respond.
Formal caregivers need to understand the current situation of farm families,
the farm culture, the implications of agency policies (sliding fee scales
based on gross income), and how they can be more responsive to farmers in
need. Informal caregivers need to understand the signs and symptoms of
distress, what resources exist in the community, how to listen and
demonstrate support, and how to make referrals to helping resources.
Providing training for both groups can help to create linkages between the
formal and informal helpers in communities (Williams, 1995).
Finally, Extension agents can be helpful by addressing the complex web of
national, state, and local policies that are making it hard to survive and
be profitable as a farmer in today's economy. Agents can address the
following seven issues in newsletters and newspaper columns, by sponsoring
policy forums which highlight the issues, and by using their own personal
influence to change the policies: (a) promoting commodity pricing which
allows farmers to survive; (b) cutting property taxes and/or valuing
agricultural land on the basis of its current use; (c) allowing capital
gains to roll over into a retirement account so older farmers are not taxed
heavily as they exit farming; (d) creating environmental policies that
protect natural resources and allow farmers to produce food and earn a
living; (e) providing health insurance by changing Medicaid eligibility
requirements or making sure farmers are covered in health care reform
packages at the federal or state level; (f) creating outreach programs to
link farmers with resources to meet their financial, legal or human service
needs; and (g) providing job training for distressed farmers to help them
supplement their farm income or transition out of farming.
Summary
Farm families have faced a "decade of distress" as the farm crisis
continues. There are several things Extension agents can do to respond to
farm families in distress. The interventions outlined in this article can
help Extension agents overcome the perception that Extension only works with
the most successful farmers in the county.
References
Albee, G. (1982). Preventing psychopathology and promoting human
potential. American Psychologist, 37(9), 1043-1050.
Beeson, P. G., Johnson, D. R., & Ortega, S. T. (1991). The farm crisis
and mental health: A longitudinal (1981, 1986, 1989) and comparative study
of the economy and mental health status. Unpublished manuscript.
Bultena, G., Lasley, P., & Geller, J. (1986). The farm crisis: Patterns
and impacts of financial distress among Iowa farm families. Rural Sociology,
51(4).
Heffernan, J. B., & Heffernan, W. D. (1985). The effects of the
agricultural crisis on the health and lives of farm families. Statement
prepared for a hearing of the Committee on Agriculture, U.S. House of
Representatives, Washington, DC. (Available from William Heffernan, Rural
Sociology Department, University of Missouri-Columbia, 102 Sociology
Building, Columbia, MO 65211)
McCubbin, H. I., & Patterson, J. (1981). Systematic assessment of family
stress, resources and coping. St. Paul: University of Minnesota.
Walker, J. L., & Walker, L. J. S. (1988). Self reported stress symptoms
in farmers. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 44(1).
Williams, R. T. (1990). Developing farm family support groups.
Unpublished manuscript, University of Wisconsin-Madison.
Williams, R. T. (1989). Economic options for Wisconsin farm families
[Videos]. (Available from Roger Williams, Health and Human Issues
Department, University of Wisconsin-Madison, 610 Langdon Street, Madison, WI
53703)
Williams, R. T. (1989). Organizing community support groups. Unpublished
manuscript, University of Wisconsin-Madison.
Williams, R. T. (1995, January). The farm and rural crisis: developing
services for farm families and rural communities. Paper presented at The
First International Conference on Social Work in Health and Mental Health
Care, Jerusalem, Israel.
This article is online at
http://www.joe.org/joe/1996february/a3.html.
Copyright © by
Extension Journal, Inc. ISSN 1077-5315. Articles appearing in the
Journal become the property of the Journal. Single copies of articles may be
reproduced in electronic or print form for use in educational or training
activities. Inclusion of articles in other publications, electronic sources,
or systematic large-scale distribution may be done only with prior
electronic or written permission of the
Journal Editorial Office,
joe-ed@joe.org. |
Two blasts
Oklahoma City: Two Blasts
and Strange Facts |
England has a law that its government must investigate the death of its
citizens. They did their own investigation of three people killed at Waco.
They found our government malignant in its intent and charged the United
States with murder!
Because of the international picture (and media coverup) we don't hear what
is happening, but with the above information, consider how our government
would feel about Former Attorney General Ramsey Clark filing a claim for 84
people murdered at Waco. He would have been entitled to every piece of
information relative to Waco, all of it was stored at federal offices in
Oklahoma City!
A seismograph at Still Water (50 miles away) measured two tremors. Bomb
experts say there is no way to direct a car bomb to utterly destroy a federal
building and leave the YMCA across the street unaffected (window washers
weren't even knocked off their scaffolding).
Retired Brigadier General Partin had much experience with explosives and
visited OKC. He found evidence of some supporting columns under the Murrah
Building were pulverized while some closer to the street (and "car bomb") were
intact. He pleaded with the senate for them to prevent the building's
demolition, with diagrams of his findings. He said it was a much bigger
operation than a car bomb.
Retired FBI veteran Ted Gunderson of Santa Monica had explosives
experience. He dismissed as a cover-up the U.S. Justice Dept. claim that a
simple car bomb could do the damage. He was quoted in The Spotlight, 5/15/95
as saying, "A very high tech and top secret barometric bomb was the cause ...
could not have been built ... without the knowledge of research classified at
the very highest level of top secret by the U.S. government."
Ben Williams of American Christian Ministry said "No DEA people were in
their offices at the time [of the explosion]. The `Cult Awareness' people were
not in their offices at the time. A distance away, the FBI offices were also
empty." A mother who lost two boys in the day-care center asked on CNN "why?"
and was later told by phone to be quiet about it.
Bomb Damage Analysis of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building Oklahoma
City, Oklahoma
From a report by Benton K. Partin, Brigadier Gen. USAF (Ret.)
Ken's quick explanation of Partin's diagram:
1. The red dot surrounded by circles shows the location of the truck
bomb.
2. The force of an explosion (pounds per square inch) diminishes
drastically as it moves through air. By the time it reaches column B-3, in
the second tier of columns, it is only 27 pounds per square inch.
3. Column B-3 was entirely taken out while the column next to it B-4
which would have received slightly more force was untouched.
4. Columns A-3, A-5, and A-7 were collapsed at the 3rd floor level.
Columns A-4, A-6, and A-8 were collapsed by the odd number columns adjacent
to them. Note that Column A-7 is well out of the area of main blast force.
5. These results are entirely consistent with demolition charges going
off on B-3, A-3, A-5, and A-7. The size of the explosives needed would be
minimal if there were attached directly to the columns.
6. Several experienced demoltion experts, physicists and munitions
experts agree with Partin that there is no way this damage could have been
done by the truck bomb alone. None of these were permitted to be witnesses
on the McVeigh or Nichols trial. The only munitions expert allowed to
testify was from the UK and her testimony did not address Partin's thesis.
7. Contrary to investigative procedures - and common sense - the Murrah
Building was demolished and its remains were buried in a local landfill.
Requests for an independent examination of the evidence were denied. |
Oklahoma Reporter J.D. Cash Dies at 55

Published: May 07, 2007 4:55
PM ET
TULSA, Okla. Newspaper reporter
J.D. Cash
of the McCurtain Daily Gazette has died at
age 55. Cash died at a Tulsa hospital Sunday
following after suffering from liver disease and
pneumonia.
Cash had spent the past 12 years reporting on the
Oklahoma City bombing, including a report from a
woman who said she was an undercover agent who
warned the government of plans to bomb federal
buildings in 1995.
He's survived by his mother.
A private funeral service is planned in Tulsa.
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