The FTP

 

French Resistance

These were mainly Jewish communists that did nothing the entire war.

Communist Francs-tireurs et partisans (FTP)

were created. Both organizations expanded during the winter of 1942–43, and a few

individual resisters, such as Georges Guingouin in the Limousin, had already seen the

potential for guerrilla action in the countryside before the impact of the STO

 

 

 

While Jersey was being held captive, barely 50 kilometres away a secret war was being waged in France. Agents of the SOE – Special Operations Executive – helped to organise, train and supply the underground resistance forces. Violette Szabó was one of their bravest, executed at Ravensbrück concentration camp aged only 23. In 1949 her seven-year-old daughter Tania received the George Cross on her behalf. Today Tania lives in Jersey. Her mother’s story is a tribute to the secret lives of the men and women of the SOE2.

Born in Paris on 26 June 1921, Violette was the second child of Charles Bushell and his French wife Reine Leroy. The family moved often, spending time in France and England. Violette grew up in south London speaking French, with a love and knowledge of France.

At the age of 19 Violette met and married Sergeant Major Etienne Szabó of the French Foreign Legion. Their brief honeymoon ended with her husband’s return to West Africa and they would meet again only once more before his death at the Battle of El Alamein.

 

Tania was born in June 1942 and would never know her father. Violette’s ability to speak French, combined with a natural instinct to avenge the death of her husband, made her attractive to the SOE which recruited her in August 1943. Having passed selection, she underwent a series of rigorous training courses to prepare her for the dangerous life of a secret agent. She was enlisted into the First Aid Nursing Yeomanry (FANY) to provide a cover for her activities about which her family would be unaware until after the war.

Her first mission for SOE’s French (F) section took place in early April 1944 when she and her circuit organiser, Phillipe Liewer (aka Major Geoffrey Staunton, Salesman, Clement, Hamlet) were air landed in France by a Lysander of 161 Squadron RAF. Liewer had created the ‘Salesman’ resistance circuits in Rouen and Le Havre but the circuit had been broken up by the Germans and a large number of arrests made. It was Liewer and Violette’s mission to determine the extent of the damage done. At the end of April, the mission complete, they were extracted by Lysander and returned to England. For the manner in which she conducted herself on this mission, Violette was rewarded with promotion to the commissioned rank of Ensign (Second Lieutenant) in the FANY.

Her second mission, Operation Salesman, began a month later, a matter of days before D-Day. Violette, codenamed Louise, was the courier in a four-man team that was tasked with coordinating the sabotage activities of the various maquis groups in the Haute-Vienne and Corrèze departments of the Limousin. Her organiser was again Phillipe Liewer (Hamlet) and the rest of the team was made up of a demolitions expert and weapons trainer, Robert Maloubier (aka Lieutenant Robert Mortier, Paco, Clothaire) and a wireless operator, Jean Guiet (Virgile) who was an American OSS Lieutenant on secondment to F Section.

In the early hours of 8 June 1944, after two previous attempts had failed, they parachuted from an American ‘Carpetbagger’3 B-24D ‘Liberator’ onto a drop zone just outside the village of Sussac near Limoges. The next two
days were spent consolidating their position and preparing to meet the leaders of the various factions of the maquis.
On 9 June, Violette was told by Liewer that she would be required to go to Pompadour the following day to establish contact and set up a meeting with one such leader, Jacques Poirier (aka Nestor). She would set off by car for at least part of the 50 kilometre journey but needed to take her bicycle for her return.

Unbeknownst to the team, the leading elements of the 2nd SS Panzer Division, ‘Das Reich’4, had reached the area of Limoges on their move north to reinforce the German defences in Normandy. They had been harassed throughout their journey by bands of maquis and had been considerably delayed. On the night of 9 June a popular senior officer of the Division, Major Helmut Kämpfe was captured and executed by maquisards, provoking a frenzy of German patrolling activity and road blocks.

At about 9.30 am on 10 June Violette and a young maquisard driver, Jacques Dufour (aka Anastasie) set off from Sussac in a Citroën car towards Pompadour to the south. Both were armed. En route they picked up another man, Jean Bariaud who was not carrying a weapon. Shortly afterwards, near the town of Salon-la-Tour they ran into a German roadblock that had been set up as part of the German operation to recover Major Kämpfe.

In the ensuing gun battle both men got away but Violette, who gave covering fire during their withdrawal, was eventually captured. She spent the night of 10 June in Gestapo Headquarters in Limoges. That afternoon elements of the SS Division murdered nearly 650 civilians in the village of Oradour-sur-Glane just 20 kilometres away. From Limoges she was quickly transferred to Fresnes prison in Paris from where, in early August 1944, she began her two and a half week journey to the concentration camp at Ravensbrück.

Violette suffered five months of hard labour and a bitter Eastern European winter before being taken to a small square where, having been made to kneel down, she was executed with a single shot to the back of her neck. With her died two other very brave SOE F Section agents, Denise Bloch and Lilian Rolfe.

On 17 December 1946 the posthumous award of a George Cross (GC) to ‘Violette, Madame Szabó’ was announced in The London Gazette. The GC is the UK's highest award for bravery by a civilian or a military person where the award of the Victoria Cross (VC) is not applicable. In order of precedence, the GC is second only to the VC. As no person has won both awards, they can be considered as equals. Violette had already been awarded the Croix de Guerre 1939 – 1945 with Silver Star for her courage during the action in which she was captured.

Teacher jailed for making revisionist Nazi film

SUSAN BELL IN PARIS
 

 

 

Further south, Der Führer's 3rd Battalion, commanded by the dashing 34-year old Knight's Cross holder Major Helmut Kampfe, was advancing from Limoges to Gúeret, the latter in maquis hands. Several engagements took place en route, including the execution of 29-captured Maquisard. Frustrated by these delays, at 8 p.m. Major Kampfe, who is believed to have been alone, overtook his column at high speed driving a Talbot car. A short time later his men found the Talbot abandoned at La Bussiére, 15 miles south of Limoges. There was sign of neither struggle nor injury. In fact, Kampfe had been stopped and kidnapped by a maquis group returning from blowing up a bridge near Brignac. Naturally lone German vehicles travelling in advance of their columns were easy prey and at least one other Das Reich officer was captured in similar circumstances but escaped to tell the tale.

Enraged by delays and Major Kampfe's disappearance, the Divisional Commander, General Lammerding, ordered that a search be conducted with 'utmost vigour'. Every available Das Reich panzergrenadier was combing the Limousin by the morning of June 10th, desperate for any trace of this missing officer. Having parachuted into the area of Sussac just four days before, this bode ill, that fateful day, for Violette Szabo.

 

Colonel Georges Guingouin, a ruthless communist leader, who was feared throughout the Limousin, controlled the Sussac maquis. Unfortunately for SOE, of all the Resistance leaders in the area he was the one least influenced by London. Understandably given this backdrop, the SOE boss Staunton considered it essential that he should make contact with other, more co-operative, maquis of the Corréze and Dordogne. He decided to send his courier, Violette Szabo, to liase with them. A Sussac maquis section leader, Jacques Dufour, codename 'Anastasie', volunteered to drive 'Louise' to meet a contact at Pompadour, some 30 miles south. From there she would be passed on to local leaders.

 

At 9.30 a.m. on June 10th, 1944, Dufour and Szabo set off in a Citroën. Not far along the road, Dufour gave a lift to a friend's 12-year old son who was travelling into the Corréze. Shortly after 10 a.m., at Salon-la-Tour near the Tulle road, 20 miles south of Limoges, the Citroën had the incredible misfortune, given the otherwise general lack of German presence, to blunder into panzergrenadiers of either Der Führer or 1st Battalion the Deutschland Regiment (another Das Reich formation). The boy leapt out of the car and ran for his life. Szabo and Dufour stayed together, armed with Sten guns, but ran in a different direction to their passenger. What actually happened next remains a matter for debate.

 

In Carve Her Name With Pride, the author, RJ Minney, describes a drawn out firefight during which Violette Szabo tripped and twisted her ankle. Quite rightly deserted by 'Anastasie', she held the Germans off, inflicting fatal casualties, until her ammunition was exhausted. Captured alive, she continued to fight until overcome by the tough SS men.

 

After the book's publication, however, certain former résistants took issue with what they considered a romanticised account, and claimed that 'Louise' was, in fact, taken without firing a shot. During the research for his excellent work Das Reich, Max Hastings found no trace of any relevant fatalities in German records (which in my experience are meticulously recorded). Local people were also unable to provide any conclusive evidence to resolve the matter. Given Violette Szabo's apparent temperament and skill at arms, however, I would suggest it unlikely, unless she was captured immediately which does not appear to have been the case, that shots were not exchanged. Given Minney's claim that a local woman was killed in crossfire, further research is currently ongoing at Salon. Surely if a villager was killed in such circumstances the incident would be widely recalled? Unfortunately 'Anastasie', the eyewitness whose account is clearly invaluable, was later killed in Indo-China and is not believed to have left behind any form of written account.

 

Whatever happened that fateful morning, the fact remains that this remarkable young woman was indeed captured by the Waffen-SS, limping from a twisted ankle and nursing a slight flesh wound. She was conveyed by staff car to Limoges and presented to the Das Reich Divisional interpreter, Major Kowatsch (who had acted as 'master of ceremonies' in Tulle only the previous day). Admitting only that she was British and had parachuted into the region just a few days before, Kowatsch later claimed that the SOE agent was treated with respect and supplied with clean clothes before being handed over to the SD (Security Police). Whether or not this is true, given the Germans' frustration and current strength of feeling against maquis activities, is not known but has surely to be considered doubtful.

Jewish Communists say they held up a crack unit getting to Normandy

During the afternoon of that same day, men of the Der Führer Regiment committed the worst atrocity of all against the French civilian population. The unit's commander, Major Otto Dickmann, was a close personal friend of Major Kampfe. Das Reich sources claim that Dickmann received information to the effect that the Maquis was holding a high ranking German officer at the small town of Oradour-sur-Glane.

He deduced that this could only be Major Kampfe and immediately moved against the small town (of 254 buildings with a population of 650). Although Dickmann's men failed to locate either Kampfe or prove any connection with the maquis, they left Oradour in flames having slaughtered its population: 393 residents, 167 people from the surrounding area, 33 from Limoges, and 55 from other places were killed. Many of the victims were women and children, only 52 of the total death toll were ever identified.

Das Reich did not reach Normandy for another three days, arriving on June 13th having taken five days to complete a journey of 150 miles. The delay imposed by what was, in effect, a 'Secret Army' was actually far beyond what London had hoped for. These crack SS troops then had to spend another seven days re-grouping and it was not until June 30th that Das Reich had completely trickled into rear areas of the front. In fact, Lammerding's men were unable to fight as a cohesive unit until July 10th, by which time Das Reich had already suffered heavy losses.

 

 Ultimately Violette Szabo was executed, together with fellow SOE agents Lillian Rolfe and Denise Bloch, at the notorious Ravensbrück concentration camp on an unknown date in January 1945. She was 23-years old.

 

 

On December 12th, 1946, Tania Szabo, then aged four, received her mother's posthumous George Cross from King George VIth; she was wearing the dress that Violette brought back from her first sortie into enemy occupied France. The citation in part reads: -

 

Madame Szabo volunteered to undertake a particularly dangerous mission in France…. In her execution of the delicate researches entailed she showed great presence of mind and astuteness. She was twice arrested…., but each time managed to get away.

 

…She was arrested and had to undergo solitary confinement. She was then continuously and atrociously tortured, but never by word or deed gave away any of her acquaintances or told the enemy anything of value. She was ultimately executed. Mme Szabo gave a magnificent example of courage and steadfastness.

 

Captain Etienne Szabo was also decorated, receiving both the Legion d'Honneur and Medaille Militaire. Both husband and wife were also awarded the Croix de Guerre with clasps. These medals can now be seen at the Exhibition of Jersey's Occupation Experience, located in the former German Underground Hospital, having been made available by Tania Szabo who now lives and works on the island. Movingly, Tania recently made a very personal pilgrimage to Ravensbrück where she left violets in the very passage where her remarkable mother had been executed, and placed a wreath in the crematorium.

 

The current owner of 'Cartref', Miss Rosemary Rigby MBE, is equally determined that Violette Sazbo GC will not be forgotten. A plaque commemorating Violette's association with the house was unveiled there on June 26th, 1988 (on which date Violette would have been 67). Although Tania Szabo was unable to attend, she sent Miss Rigby 23 roses - one for each year of her mother's short life. That same year, the Royal British Legion authorised the inclusion of a wreath dedicated to Violette amongst those laid at Hereford War Memorial every Remembrance Sunday.

The Jewish maquisards and partisans were not merely "perceived by the Germans" as Communist, Poles, Frenchmen, etc...

...Dali's limp watches oozing over the desert were perceived as watches nonetheless...

...It has been my observation that the question of Jewish resistance (or passivity) has more often than not been posed in accusatory tones...

A retired German Army officer, Eberhard Matthes, supports Schmidt's claim. In 1980, Matthes gave a sworn affidavit in which he stated that during a visit to the ruins in 1963, two older women in the village of Oradour-sur-Glane told him that they had been saved by SS soldiers who risked their lives to go inside the burning church to rescue them. These women also told Matthes that the SS had not started the fire in the church. According to Schmidt, "the Maquis had hidden armaments and explosives underneath the roof and elsewhere in the church, and that it was this material that had caused the catastrophe."

 

 

 

Early Resistance in the Limousin (1940 - 1942)

His mother was a primary school teacher. In this period, teachers were the mouthpiece of militantly secular republican values, and nowhere more than in the leftwing Limousin area. Thus, it was natural that Guingouin should himself become an instituteur and join the Communist party (PCF) in the 1930s.

In September 1940, Guingouin was sacked from his teaching post by the Vichy regime during a purge of leftwing public servants.Guingouin and his handful of partisans descended on villages, distributing tracts and raiding mairies to seize ration cards. They also sabotaged agricultural machinery to prevent peasants delivering produce to the Germans

Went to London in 1943 to get instructions from Churchills jews.Wanted French to stop rejecting Communists

Communist black marketeer. Punish the town for cooperating with Germans.

As of July 1940, the wounded Guingouin returned to his homeland, the Limousin, and became involved with local resistance groups . This initially took the form of membership of clandestine groups, who published and dispersed leaflets against the Vichy government but then moved on to the production of false identity cards. Nevertheless, Guingouin's ideology soon put him at odds with the political agenda advocated by Jacques Duclos, the then underground leader of the Communist Party.

Guingouin's central argument with Duclos was the Party declaration of September 1940 which stated: "We (the Communists) must be without hatred toward and must have respect for the German soldiers. We are against Gaulle and the capitalist clan whose interests are related to Vichy". Although Guingouin was a communist, he claimed to be able to work, albeit loosely, with and not against General de Gaulle and the other resistance groups operating throughout France at the time, most of whom were aligned to De Gaulle's nationalistic cause. The approach of Duclos, on the other hand, was based on the terms of The Nazi-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact, signed by August 14, 1939.

 

German Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop had contacted the Soviets to arrange a deal whereby Ribbentrop met with the Soviet Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov in Moscow and together they arranged two pacts - the economic agreement and the Nazi-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact.

As a result of the Nazi-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact, the Soviets did not join the fight against Germany, thus Germany was successful it its attempt to safeguard itself from a two-front war. The Nazis and the Soviets kept the terms of the pact and the protocol until Germany's surprise attack and invasion of the Soviet Union on June 22, 1941.

Guingouin's split with the Party line eventually led him to "take the maquis" in February I941. The Police had become aware of Guingouin's work and raided his home. As a consequence he was forced to flee and take refuge in a fir plantation in the commune of Soudaine-Lavinadière in Corrèze. This led to Gabriel Roucaute, one of the leaders of the clandestine Communist Party in the French southern zone, to say of Guingouin, that he is "the insane one who lives in wood".

Between 1940 and 1942, there was comparatively little out and out fighting between the German occupying forces and the Resistance. For the most part the Resistance carried out intelligence gathering activities and relatively minor sabotage work, along with helping downed airmen escape, but little in the form of direct combat. During this period of time Guingouin went to great lengths to gain at least the understanding and trust of the local non-involved population, rather than their hostility with all the dangers of betrayal which that brought.

As head of an underground printing works, Guingouin was now forced to live under the hardest of conditions, sometimes in shacks and uninhabited houses or even in the undergrowth of the forest. Still, Guingouin continued his work, organizing massive distributions of leaflets at large gatherings such as local fairs and festivals. Not surprisingly, the group's activities were widely denounced in Vichy France both by the police force and by Marshal Pétain, himself, who said that these actions were causing a "feeling of ill wind to rise in all France".

The stakes were raised on 1st October 1941, when Guingouin and his group broke into and stole a stock of ration cards from the town hall in Saint-Gilles-les-Forêts. As a result, and in his absence, on January 21st 1942, Guingouin, for his part in this action is condemned by the Military Tribunal of the 12th Area to serve penal servitude for life. From this point onwards the Resistance group led by Guinguoin, now known as the 'Francs Tireurs' (The Free-Shooters, named after the group involved in the Franco-Prussian war of 1870-71), became much more aggressive in their actions against the German occupying forces.

FTP leaders in southern France was 'Colonel' Georges Guingouin an ex-school teacher from Limoges: see picture. Guingouin had been asked to help the attackers of Tulle and had refused to send any men, arms or ammunition, even when directly approached on the evening of the 7th June. It is significant the FTP leaders who attacked Tulle on the morning of the 7th June had not secured Guingouin's assistance before the attack began and he refused it when it was sought. So much for idea of a united, indivisible resistance movement all working to a common agreed goal.

    Georges Guingouin has been mentioned several times in this narrative and his name appears in just about every writing on the subject of Oradour. Since he has an important part of the story, his background will be outlined as follows.

    He was the son of a professional soldier, a non-commissioned officer, who was killed at Bapaume at the start of W.W.I. His mother had given him a thirst for reading, especially about patriotic events in France's past, such as the peasant resistance in the Vosges during 1815 and about the 'Francs Tireurs' (Free-Shooters) of the Franco-Prussian war of 1870-71.

    Guingouin had competed three years of military service in the infantry before the war, serving in the headquarters unit of the military school in Paris and this is undoubtedly where he picked up the necessary skills to organise and control his band of resistance fighters. Guingouin was a communist, but he claimed to be able to work with and not against General de Gaulle and the other resistance groups.

    Between 1940 and 1942, there was comparatively little out and out fighting between the Germans and the resistance. For the most part the resistance carried out intelligence gathering activities, helping downed airmen escape and did relatively minor sabotage work, but not much by way of direct combat. During this time Guingouin went to some lengths to try and gain at least the neutrality of the local non-involved population, rather than their hostility, with all the dangers of betrayal which that brought. From 1943 onwards the resistance (the FTP), became much more aggressive, destroying the rail bridge at Bussy-Varache on the Limoges-Ussel line in March. Then a little later in May, Guingouin personally, with just one helper attacked the Wattelez rubber-processing factory near Limoges.

    Guingouin and his men had become such a nuisance, that the Vichy government in October 1943 made a determined effort (without success) to locate and destroy them, employing their own men and not German forces.

    This needs to be re-stated, Frenchmen were used in large numbers to hunt other Frenchmen.

    By early 1944, Guingouin and his men had become such an irritant, that no less a force that Das Reich (which was quartered around Montauban) was ordered to assist in the location and destruction of the FTP Resistance, or "Gangs" as the Germans called them. At first sight a group less suited to anti-partisan warfare than a Panzer Division would be hard to imagine, yet in this case there was some logic to it. The point being that Das Reich was in the area occupied by Guingouin's men at the time and many of its veterans had experience of fighting irregular forces (and dealing with the local civilian population). After the D-Day landings were seen to be serious and not just a diversionary feint, Das Reich's orders changed rapidly to send them north to Normandy. However for a few days they carried out what in effect became an anti-partisan operation whist they headed north towards Normandy.

  

  There is no written evidence directly linking Guingouin with Helmut Kämpfe, but he was the "chief" of Jean Canou who abducted Kämpfe on 9th June (as described by Canou in 1953 at Bordeaux). As it is normally accepted practice that the head of an organisation, especially a military organisation, accepts responsibility for all its actions, Guingouin must therefore be regarded as having some considerable measure of responsibility for the events at Oradour on 10th June.

    After the war Georges Guingouin became (communist) mayor of Limoges from 1945-47.

 

He remained politically active until 1953 when he was thrown out of the French Communist Party amidst much angst and soul searching over his wartime record and accusations of abuse of power. Latterly he has enjoyed something of a revival in public opinion, but has still not given a full and frank account of his dealings with Kämpfe.

The Liberation of Limoges (1944 - 1952)

On August 3rd 1944, Guingouin became departmental head of 4th Brigade of the FFI and began preparing the operation to liberate the city of Limoges from Nazi control. Earlier in the year, Guingouin had defied the party line to attack the city believing that such an attack would have proved too costly.

Guingouin understood that the head of Gestapo in Limoges had promised to execute all 2,863 Limousinaise prisoners before leaving the city. Nevertheless, Guingouin, at the head of 8,750 FTP fighters, augmented by British SOE agents, Spanish Republicans, other French Resistance units and Russian Liberationists, had already given orders to carry out an encircling movement around the city.

Faced by siege situation, Guingouin succeeded in obtaining the surrender of General Gleiniger, commander of the German garrison troops for the Limousin. However, Gleiniger's surrender was not accepted by the 19th Regiment of SS Police. One unit, aided by the peaceful entry of Guingouin's fighters into the city, took the opportunity to assassinate Gleiniger and escape towards Creuse, leaving the body of their former Garrison General in a rubbish pile at the cemetery in Guéret. It was not until the evening of August 21st that the remaining part of the garrison,12 officers and 350 men, finally surrendered the city of Limoges.

The City of Limoges had been liberated purely through the efforts of the French Forces of the Interior under the command of Guingouin. On his return to France and in recognition of the military exploits of the resistance fighters of the city, General de Gaulle, praised the city as the Capital of the Maquis.

Following the liberation of Limoges, 20,000 resistance fighters, in the Limousin, fell directly under the orders of Colonel Guingouin. But on November 20th 1944, Guingouin was seriously injured in a car accident and, as a result, was hospitalized until April 4th 1945.

In recognition of his popularity in the city, Guingouin was officially elected mayor of Limoges from 1945 until 1947 and then, having served his term, returned to teaching firstly at l'Aube and then successively at Montiéramey, Saint André les Vergers and Troyes.

However the man that General de Gaulle presented as "one of most influential figures of the Resistance" became the victim of a slanderous attack by two police officers who, under the Nazi occupation, had continued their personal assault of Guingouin's character albeit in vain.

In the spring of 1942, communist militants, acting independently of the leadership of the French Communist Party, organized the first Maquis in the Limousin and the Puy-de-Dôme. Marquis groups were established in other regions of France. As the Maquis grew in strength it began to organize attacks on German forces.

In the Limousin, the Marquis were led by the Communist militant, Georges Guingouin. At this time Guingouin was not supplied with any weapons. Therefore their main method of resisting the German Army was sabotage. This included attacks on bridges, telephone lines and railway tracks.

The Maquis also provided aid and protection to refugees, immigrants, Jews, and others threatened by the Vichy and the German authorities. They also helped to get Allied airman, whose aircraft had been shot down in France, to get back to Britain.

In March 1944, the German Army began a campaign of repression throughout France. This included a policy of reprisals against civilians living in towns and villages close to the scene of attacks carried out by members of the French Resistance. As one official wrote on 15th April, 1944 that the authorities "wanted to strike fear into the population and change their opinion by showing them that the evils they were suffering were the direct consequence of the existence of the marquis and that they had made the mistake of tolerating them."

On 5th June, 1944, General Dwight D. Eisenhower asked the BBC sent out coded messages to the resistance asking them to carry out acts of resistance during the D-day landings in order to help Allied forces establish a beachhead on the Normandy coast. The Maquis responded to this request and on 7th June, a unit attacked the German garrison at Tulle. The following day the arrival of reinforcements forced the unit to withdraw. The German losses were considerable, it was reported that 37 soldiers were killed and another 25 were wounded.

On the 9th June, the Schutzstaffel (SS) hanged 99 men from the balconies, trees, and bridges along the main street of Tulle. Another 149 were deported to Germany. Later that day another 67 were murdered in Argenton.

 

Oradour-sur-Glane before the beginning of the Second World War

 

The following day German soldiers began encircling the village of Oradour-sur-Glane. A unit of 120 soldiers from the Waffen SS tank division entered the village and instructed everyone to assemble in the central marketplace. Other soldiers in armored cars rounded up men and women working in nearby farms and fields.

At about three o'clock the soldiers separated the women and children from the men. They were taken to the church and locked in. Major Otto Dickman, announced that the SS knew that the village was hiding arms and munitions for the French Resistance. Dickman then told the mayor, Paul Desourteaux, to select hostages from among those assembled in the marketplace. The mayor refused, offering himself and his sons instead.

Dickman rejected Desourteaux's offer and ordered that all the men be divided into groups and moved them to various barns and garages in the village. The SS soldiers then opened fire on the men. The only ones to survive were five young men from a group of 62 taken to the Laudy barn.

At five o'clock two German soldiers entered the church and placed a large chest on the altar. They walked out, laying out a long fuse as they went, which they lit before shutting the door. A few seconds later the chest exploded. Some managed to survive the blast but were shot dead by the soldiers as they scrambled out of the bombed building. Only Marguerite Rouffanche managed to get out of the church and escape the bullets being fired by the SS soldiers. Although she was wounded she managed to hide until the Germans left the village.

 

Oradour-sur-Glane after the Germans left the village on 10th June, 1944

 

The Germans then destroyed Oradour-sur-Glane. A total of 642 people were killed during the SS operation. This included 393 people living in the village, 167 people from neighbouring villages, 33 people from Limoges, and 25 others from different parts of the Haute-Vienne. Around 80 residents of Oradour survived. This included the five men from the Laudy barn, Marguerite Rouffanche from the church, 28 people who managed to hide during the roundup and 36 others who happened to be away for the day. Another 12 men were in Germany as part of Vichy's compulsory labour service.

Local hamlets also suffered high losses. Eight children of Le Mas du Puy attended the school at Oradour. Four mothers, concerned that their children had not come home from school, had gone to Oradour to look for them. They died with their children in the church.

In 1946 the French government decided to preserve the ruins of Oradour-sur-Glane. The forty acres of crumbling buildings became a martyred village. A testament of French suffering under the German occupation and an example of Nazi barbarism.

 

Oradour-sur-Glane Headstone

 

 


 

(1) Marcel Darthout was one of the men who survived the shooting in the Laudy Barn. Darthout was interviewed about his experiences in 1988.

We felt the bullets, which brought me down. Everyone was on top of me. And they were still firing. And there was shouting. And crying. I had a friend who was lying on top of me and who was moaning. And then it was over. No more shots. And they came at us, stepping on us. And with a rifle they finished us off. They finished off the buddy who was on top of me. I felt it when he died.

 

(2) Sarah Farmer, Martyred Village (1999)

The chest exploded, releasing clouds of suffocating smoke and blowing out some of the church windows. In the ensuing chaos, the soldiers opened the door and sprayed the group with gunfire. They piled flammable material on some of the bodies, set a bonfire with the church pews, and abandoned the building.

Only one person managed to save herself from the conflagration. Marguerite Rouffanche, a forty-seven-year-old woman, had been part of a group that pushed back into the sacristy in search of fresh air. As the church burned, she crawled behind the altar and found a stool used for lighting candles. She managed to climb up and out the window. She dropped three meters to the ground below. Looking up, Madame Rouffanche saw that she had been followed by a young woman with a baby. The young woman handed down her baby before jumping, but all three were caught in a hail of machine-gun fire. Mother and child were killed; wounded, Madame Rouffanche was able to crawl into the garden of the presbytery, where she hid among rows of peas.
 

 

(3) Report written by an agent of the French domestic security service (16th June, 1944)

It was not until Monday, the twelfth of June, that one learned that on Saturday the tenth, in the course of the afternoon, the entire bourg of Oradour had been prey to fire and that the whole population had been shot and burned following police operations undertaken by the occupying authorities. Emotion gave way to horror and consternation when one knew with certainty that many women and children died a horrible death in the burning of the church.
 

 

(4) Ce Soir (22nd August, 1944)

For four years we have all lived in horror, we have all been used to hearing in low voices in our families, among friends, the sinister news of prisoners shot, whole buildings where inhabitants, chosen at random as hostages, have been savagely slaughtered, farms and their inhabitants burned: it was our daily news. Nonetheless, certain dreadful massacres which go beyond the Occupier's habitual savagery have sorrowfully made several French villages famous. The names of Chateaubriant, Oradour-sur-Glane, Ascq are on all lips.
 

 

(5) Jacques Delarue, Oradour (1945)

The drama of Oradour eclipsed all the other crimes of the "Das Reich" Division. The name of the martyred Limousin village became a symbol, the image of crime and of suffering, and that is understandable. But this attitude, in isolating the crime from its general context, that is to say the wave of crimes that surrounded it, the long succession of murders, assassinations, arson, and destruction, which this account has tried to reconstruct, has caused one to forget all these other crimes and made of Oradour an exceptional event, an involuntary excess due to the war, when it was only the application, more total and complete, of the daily methods of the "DAs Reich" Division.
 

 

Georges Guingouin \


A Communist maquisard, decorated by de Gaulle, who fell foul of a postwar backlash

Julian Jackson
Saturday December 3, 2005
The Guardian


 

Georges Guingouin, who has died aged 92, was a legendary figure of the French Resistance who was awarded the title of Compagnon de la Liberation by General de Gaulle in 1944. Of 1,053 recipients of this coveted honour, Guingouin was one of only 12 Communists. In the 1950s, however, he became the object of a vilification campaign and even an assassination attempt. His career is therefore not only a story of individual bravery, but also exemplifies the ambivalent place of the Resistance in French history and memory.

Born in a village near Limoges, Guingouin never knew his father who was killed at war in 1914. His mother was a primary school teacher. In this period, teachers were the mouthpiece of militantly secular republican values, and nowhere more than in the leftwing Limousin area. Thus, it was natural that Guingouin should himself become an instituteur and join the Communist party (PCF) in the 1930s.

From 1940, however, Guingouin began to display the nonconformity that would characterise his career. Because Hitler and Stalin had signed a non-aggression pact, the PCF refused to take sides in the "imperialist" war. After the fall of France in 1940, this meant that the party did not directly condemn the German occupation. Guingouin rejected this policy and drafted a manifesto in August 1940, denouncing the occupation. It was not until June 1941 that the PCF officially adopted a similar line.

War profiteer and black market

In September 1940, Guingouin was sacked from his teaching post by the Vichy regime during a purge of leftwing public servants. He began to organise small-scale resistance activities and went into hiding in February 1941.

For the next three years, he lived in hiding as an outlaw in the Limousin countryside. At this stage, most resistance in France was urban. Only in 1943 did it move to the countryside with the development of the Maquis - hence Guingouin's boast that he was the "first maquisard in France".

Guingouin and his handful of partisans descended on villages, distributing tracts and raiding mairies to seize ration cards. They also sabotaged agricultural machinery to prevent peasants delivering produce to the Germans. In 1943, the introduction of labour service conscription that required men to work in Germany swelled the Resistance ranks. Guingouin's activities became more ambitious - sabotaging a railway between Limoges and Ussel, blowing up a rubber factory near Limoges. He also began to impose his own counter-authority against the Vichy regime, fixing agricultural prices and banning the black market in the area he controlled. Approved prices were posted in villages and signed "Prefect of the Maquis" in Guingouin's own handwriting - which many recognised since he had been a local teacher.

After D-Day, Guingouin was again in conflict with the PCF leadership, which had instructed its resistance groups to launch a national insurrection so as to maximise PCF influence in post-liberation France. Guingouin, however, refused the order to attack Limoges, seeing this as a suicidal policy. His caution was vindicated by events in nearby Tulle, seized by the Resistance on June 7 1944 but immediately retaken by the SS Das Reich division which exacted terrible reprisals, hanging 99 civilians from balconies - a precursor to their massacre of 642 civilians at Oradour-sur-Glane on June 10.

Despite Guingouin's insubordination, the PCF had to accept that the individual once ridiculed as "the madman of the woods" was the most powerful resistance fighter in the area, and in July 1944 he was appointed head of all Resistance forces (about 20,000) in the Haute Vienne department. Immediately, he found himself fighting German forces on the slopes of Mont Gargan. The Resistance usually tried to avoid pitched battles of this kind because they could only lose them, but at Mount Gargan Guingouin's forces emerged with 92 casualties to 340 on the German side.

As the Germans were pushed back in Normandy and began to retreat in the south-west, Guingouin's forces closed on Limoges, and the city's German commander surrendered on August 21 1944. Limoges was liberated without a shot being fired, but the Resistance had contributed significantly to weakening German morale in the region. Guingouin, greeted as a hero, was rewarded by being elected mayor of Limoges in 1945.

Guingouin's exploits had not endeared him to those Communists with less glorious Resistance careers (PCF leader Maurice Thorez, for example, spent the war in Moscow). So when, at the height of its Stalinist frenzy, the PCF launched a purge to enforce discipline, Guingouin was an obvious victim. He was excluded for allegedly "Titoist" sympathies - named after the Yugoslav Communist leader who had quarrelled with Stalin - and the full panoply of Stalinist invective was unleashed against him in a publication entitled Documents on the Actions of the Renegade Guingouin. He was expelled from the party in November 1952.

His troubles were only beginning. With the cold war raging, opinion in France was turning against former resisters. A 1953 law offered an amnesty to most former collaborators, and Vichy supporters rehabilitated themselves by alleging there had been a Communist bloodbath in France at the liberation.

Guingouin, no longer enjoying the protection of the PCF, was an easy target for those with scores to settle. In December 1953, he was arrested for crimes allegedly committed at the liberation. In reality, although at the liberation of Limoges he had sat on a military tribunal which ordered the execution of about 40 suspected collaborators, this level of retribution was comparable to many other localities, and occurred while the fighting continued on French soil. In February 1954, Guingouin survived an attempt to murder him in prison. Although he was released in June, the "Guingouin affair" rumbled on.

Former resisters rallied to his cause, and the young lawyer Roland Dumas (later a minister of Francois Mitterrand in 1981) was among his most effective defenders. He was finally absolved of blame in 1959 and resumed his teaching career. In 1998, the PCF leader Robert Hue publicly repented for the party's treatment of Guingouin. The latter commented: "It is a problem for the party and no longer concerns me. I have reached the age of serenity."

· Georges Guingouin, teacher and resistance fighter, born February 2 1913; died October 28 2005


 


 

 
Georges Guingouin

Communist Resistance fighter who was honoured by de Gaulle for his part in the campaign to liberate France
 
GEORGES GUINGOUIN was one of the few Communists chosen by Charles de Gaulle to join the select order of Compagnons de la Libération for his outstanding role as organiser of the French Resistance in the Limousin area during the Second World War.

Known as “Le Préfet du Maquis”, he was never actually a prefect, nor did he long remain a Communist, at least in the official sense. His story is one of remarkable courage, but also attests to the infighting and bitterness during France’s postwar years of recrimination and vendettas on both sides of the political spectrum.

 

 

Guingouin was born in 1913 in the small village of Magnac-Laval, about 30 miles (50km) north of Limoges. His father, a professional soldier, was killed at Bapaume in the Somme only weeks after the outbreak of the First World War. His mother was a primary school teacher, and Guingouin chose a similar career. He trained as a teacher in Limoges and, after a brief period of National Service, began working at a school in Saint-Gilles-les-Forêts, in the hilly area of the Limousin near Mont Gargan. Already an active Communist, he was quickly promoted to the head of the party’s organisation in the eastern cantons of Haute-Vienne.

Mobilised in August 1939, Guingouin was wounded on June 17, 1940, during the last days of fighting on French soil, and sent to a hospital in Moulins. When the town came under German attack, he managed to escape and, having recovered from his wounds, returned to his home in what was then Vichy France. There he immediately set about organising resistance, establishing secret action groups, forging identity cards and producing tracts against the Vichy Government. Already, though, he was at odds with the party line. He refused to distribute Communist documents that insisted on opposition “to de Gaulle and the capitalist clan”.

Narrowly escaping arrest by the Vichy police in February 1941, Guingouin went into hiding in the Corrèze. Dubbed “the madman of the forest” by a local Communist leader, he lived in huts and abandoned houses or even underground, while running a clandestine print shop and distributing anti-Vichy tracts. Then, in May 1942, he set up his own armed groups, much to the distaste of the Communist command, which wanted to concentrate efforts in urban areas — and of course under its own structure. Controlling prices for commodities and banning black marketeering in the territory now under his control, Guingouin began to sign his circulars “Le Préfet du Maquis”.

London

Refusing party exhortations to cease operations, Guingouin was compelled to flee to London for fear of execution by his fellow Communists. But he was soon back in the Limousin, ordering and leading sabotage operations to handicap the German war effort — destroying facilities in a rubber factory in Limoges in May 1943, cutting communications between Berlin and the U-boat base in Bordeaux in July, and kidnapping the Franco-German armistice commission in March 1944.

By the end of the war, Guingouin had some 20,000 men under his command, and Haute-Vienne had become one of the toughest centres of resistance, known to the Germans as “Little Russia”. More significantly, their exploits prompted Hitler to divert the SS Das Reich armoured division from the Eastern Front down to the South of France to quell the Resistance. One result was the massacre of Oradour-sur-Glane, where women and children were burnt alive in a church. Another was the capture of a division commander, Sturmbannführer Helmut Kämpfe, by Guingouin’s men. The two days spent searching for him meant that the tanks arrived late in Normandy to combat the Allied landing, thus crucially weakening the German resistance, for which Eisenhower himself was to thank Guingouin.

While battle raged in the north, Guingouin continued to harass German forces, and in the battle of Mont Gargan, from 17 to 24 July, his forces inflicted some 342 casualties, for only 97 dead and wounded on their own side.

On August 3 he was made departmental leader of the French Forces of the Interior and ordered to prepare the liberation of Limoges. Having gone against Communist orders to occupy the city in June, which he considered far too risky, he adopted a strategy of encirclement and managed to obtain the German surrender.

As well as being Compagnon de la Libération, Guingouin was appointed to the Légion d’honneur and was awarded the King’s Medal for Courage by the United Kingdom. After the war Guingouin was Mayor of Limoges from 1945 to 1947, then returned to his career as a teacher.

In November 1952, however, he was stripped of his Communist membership for his failure to toe the line of a party whose leader, Maurice Thorez, spent the war in Moscow, and no doubt found such heroes an encumbrance. The leader of “Little Russia” suffered his own “Little Moscow” trial. He was alone.

Jew in prison in 1953

Worse, Guingouin also found himself being accused of all kinds of wartime crimes by two former Vichy policemen, who came out of the woodwork to pursue their own vendetta against the Resistance leader with the complicity of two judges known for their antipathy towards the movement. These grave accusations were enough to have him put in prison at Christmas 1953.

Meanwhile, a leading local Socialist, Jean LeBail, published a series of writings holding him responsible for all the violations and acts of revenge that accompanied the liberation of Limousin. Guingouin was tortured, and on February 22, 1954, an attempt was made to kill him in his cell. He was taken to hospital in Toulouse.

Defended now by two young lawyers, Roland Dumas and Robert Badinter (both known to any student of the Mitterrand years, the former as Foreign Secretary, the latter as the man who abolished the death penalty in 1981), Guingouin was released on bail, but the investigations continued until 1959. Only then did the public prosecutor conclude that: “in all conscience, I cannot understand why proceedings were taken against Georges Guingouin”.

Then a little later in May, Guingouin personally, with just one helper attacked the Wattelez rubber-processing factory near Limoges.

Guingouin and his men had become such a nuisance, that the Vichy government in October 1943 made a determined effort (without success) to locate and destroy them, employing their own men and not German forces.

    This needs to be re-stated, Frenchmen were used in large numbers to hunt other Frenchmen.

    By early 1944, Guingouin and his men had become such an irritant, that no less a force that Das Reich (which was quartered around Montauban) was ordered to assist in the location and destruction of the FTP Resistance, or "Gangs" as the Germans called them. At first sight a group less suited to anti-partisan warfare than a Panzer Division would be hard to imagine, yet in this case there was some logic to it. The point being that Das Reich was in the area occupied by Guingouin's men at the time and many of its veterans had experience of fighting irregular forces (and dealing with the local civilian population). After the D-Day landings were seen to be serious and not just a diversionary feint, Das Reich's orders changed rapidly to send them north to Normandy. However for a few days they carried out what in effect became an anti-partisan operation whist they headed north towards Normandy.

    There is no written evidence directly linking Guingouin with Helmut Kämpfe, but he was the "chief" of Jean Canou who abducted Kämpfe on 9th June (as described by Canou in 1953 at Bordeaux). As it is normally accepted practice that the head of an organisation, especially a military organisation, accepts responsibility for all its actions, Guingouin must therefore be regarded as having some considerable measure of responsibility for the events at Oradour on 10th June.

    After the war Georges Guingouin became (communist) mayor of Limoges from 1945-47. He remained politically active until 1953 when he was thrown out of the French Communist Party amidst much angst and soul searching over his wartime record and accusations of abuse of power. Latterly he has enjoyed something of a revival in public opinion, but has still not given a full and frank account of his dealings with Kämpfe.

 

Criminal bank robber

A few days before the Allied breakout from Normandy in World War II, a Vichy government train was chugging through central France. Its freight: ten billion French francs (then worth $200 million) for the Bank of France in Limoges.

At a tank stop the train was boarded by a gang of armed Maquis, who threw the moneybags into waiting trucks and disappeared into the night. When the Allies reached Limoges a few weeks later, they were feted by a bunch of exceptionally free-spending French partisans. Most freehanded of all was lusty, red-faced Colonel Georges Guingouin.Guingouin, a Communist, was the hero of...

 

 

 

Georges Guingouin, French Resistance leader, was born on February 2, 1913. He died on October 28, 2005, aged 92.

communist Francs-tireurs et partisans (FTP)

were created. Both organizations expanded during the winter of 1942–43, and a few

individual resisters, such as Georges Guingouin in the Limousin, had already seen the

potential for guerrilla action in the countryside before the impact of the STO

 

Reynouard claims that Mathieu Borie, one of the survivors of the massacre in the Laudy barn, was a member of the FTP, the Communist Résistance organization, and that his friend Maurice Beaubreuil was also connected with the French Résistance

regularly active in Oradour, as evidenced by records of thefts of cigarettes and gasoline.

 In his most ridiculous statement, Reynouard claims that Madame Rouffanche, the lone survivor of the church, could not have jumped out of a window in the church because it was a 12 foot drop and then another 7.5 feet from the top of the retaining wall to the road where she was shot 5 times in the legs by the Waffen-SS soldiers.

Reynouard makes the outrageous claim that the burned bodies found inside the bakery and the bodies that had been thrown into a well were those of German soldiers who had been previously killed by the partisans in the village. If this is true, why didn't the Waffen-SS soldiers take these bodies with them for a proper burial instead of leaving them to be found by the survivors after the destruction of the village?

Reynouard's Internet article continues the German version of the story: The men were separated from the women and children; they were taken to several barns, while the women and children were taken to the church. Then the Waffen-SS soldiers made a search of the houses, whereby they found many weapons and ammunition. Then there was a large explosion in the church, which tore up the women and children, who were inside. The SS thought they were being attacked and therefore opened fire on the men in the barns.

The French always rejected this German version with its own thesis of the peaceful villagers, according to Reynouard; he wrote that the French version of the story is a poor attempt to present the French as innocent, or at least, to justify their innocence. Reynouard reasons that if the SS had wanted to terrorize and demoralize the population of France, they would have destroyed ten, twenty or fifty villages in a similar manner. He points out that the SS first demanded hostages and then made a search of the town. He asks, rhetoriclly: Why would the SS have wasted all this time in doing a search if they had come into the village only to massacre the population?

Reynouard points out in his article that the Germans had had a perfect excuse to answer the actions of the partisans and to spread "senseless terror" in Tulle where, the day before, 40 German soldiers had been killed by the Resistance and their bodies terribly mutilated. Reynouard explains that, in Tulle, the Waffen-SS left the women and children unharmed, in accordance with their actual custom, while 99 men were hanged. From this, Reynouard concludes that the separation of the women and children from the men in Oradour proves that the SS did not have the intention of killing everyone in the village. Their task, according to Reynouard, was to find the German soldier, H. Kaempfe, and to destory the partisan base in Oradour, but it had inadvertantly ended tragically. Reynouard thinks that the German commander made an error in not searching the church for weapons before the women and children were taken there.

A TEACHER banned from working in France for peddling revisionist views on the Holocaust has been sentenced to two years in prison by a French court after he made a film contesting a brutal Second World War massacre by Nazi SS storm-troopers.

The conviction of Vincent Reynouard, 33, coincides with the 60th anniversary today of the slaughter of 642 villagers, including 245 women and 207 children, at Oradour-sur-Glane on 10 June, 1944, four days after the D-Day landings by Allied forces.

 

In his film entitled The Tragedy of Oradour-sur-Glane: 50 Years of Official Lies, Reynouard blamed the inhabitants of the tiny Limousin village for their fate.

Disputing evidence of eyewitness survivors, the former teacher denied that the SS deliberately killed more than 350 women and children after rounding them up and ordering them into the village church, arguing that the deaths were due to explosives concealed in the church by members of the French Resistance active in Oradour.

Reynouard had sent videos of his film, along with order forms for additional copies, to the last two living survivors of the massacre, the village memorial centre (now a national war memorial and museum) and to the mayor of Oradour and numerous villagers.

Reynouard was first convicted in 1991 of distributing revisionist literature when he was a student in Caen, in Normandy. Six years later he was sacked from his post as a maths teacher at a technical college in nearby Honfleur, after he set homework involving counting Dachau concentration-camp victims and was discovered to have stored revisionist documents denying the Holocaust on the school computer.

Reynouard was eventually banned from teaching anywhere in France. He also wrote a revisionist book questioning the Nazi slaughter entitled The Oradour Massacre: A Half-Century of Theatre.

In 1998, some 500 French and German copies of the book were seized by police in Brussels and the Flemish port city of Antwerp at the request of French judicial authorities.

Reynouard’s sentence was handed down by the Limoges appeals court, which said that his film had insulted the memory of those who had been massacred.

The court doubled his original prison sentence, but reduced his fine of 10,000 (£6,688), ordering him instead to pay 1,000 (£668) in damages to each of the three civil parties in the case, including Marcel Darthout, one of the last two survivors of the massacre still alive today.

Today, only the stone skeleton of the original Oradour-sur-Glane remains. The late president Charles de Gaulle ordered that the charred ruins of the village should be left as a memorial to the suffering of France under the Nazi occupation and a new village was constructed nearby.

A rusting bicycle, a blackened iron bedstead and the charred wreckage of a baby carriage are still standing as a chilling reminder of the horrific events of that spring afternoon when Hitler’s troops razed the village to the ground and murdered its inhabitants.

The massacre is believed to have been a reprisal for a French Resistance attack which killed 40 Germans following the D-Day invasion.

The SS Das Reich storm-troopers were heading for Normandy when they were ordered to attack the village, a sleepy backwater near Limoges with little Resistance activity. Many historians have argued that the Nazis attacked Oradour-sur-Glane in error after mistaking it for nearby Oradour-sur-Vayres, a suspected Resistance stronghold about 15 miles away.

On their arrival, the SS rounded up children and women, many carrying babies in their arms, and marched them to the village church, where they locked them inside before throwing in grenades filled with poison gas, and opening fire.

As those who survived screamed for mercy, the SS built a human bonfire by throwing wood on to their badly injured bodies and setting it alight. Only one woman escaped from the church, by throwing herself from a 12ft-high altar window.

Among the 60 troops who perpetrated the massacre were 14 French nationals from the eastern region of Alsace, of whom all but one had been conscripted by force.

 

Vichy

    It must be remembered that in the 1930's the threat of Communism was perceived in much of Europe as being very real, very imminent and very horrible. The spectre of the spread of Bolshevik uprisings and / or invasion was anathema to many people and politicians in various countries exploited this fear to their own ends. In Germany the initial appeal of the Nazis was as much against Communism as against the Jews and other enemies of the people. Remember that the Horst Wessel Lied had become the Nazi anthem after its author was killed in a brawl with communists in 1930.

    Overall, France in the 1930's was probably just as anti-Communist as was Germany, but France was a democracy with a tradition of freedom of speech and action, expressed in the phrase, "The Rights of Man" which had first been used during the Declaration of 1789 (at the beginning of, The French Revolution). Germany in contrast had been feeling its way towards democracy from having an autocratic monarchist political system, which had lasted until the abdication of the Kaiser in 1918.

    It is normal and usual for democracies to have divisions in political opinion, it being a hallmark of a free society that such activity is unexceptional. In most of the really successful democracies, successful in terms of economic and political influence that is, the numbers of political parties have always been small. For example The United States of America has only two effective parties, the Republicans and the Democrats. It is true that there is an American Communist Party and many other fringe groups of all sorts, but in terms of effective elected numbers, just the two main parties. It is also true that in times of national crisis in a democracy, party political differences are set aside in order to present a common front, as for example in Britain during the Second World War which had a coalition government.

    France in the years preceding the outbreak of W.W.II had a fractious political system with much intra-national squabbling. Politically in 1939 the Third Republic was in a less robust state than Great Britain, her main ally against Germany. Whilst both Britain and France had been alive to the threat of German expansionist policies and had been building up their armed forces in order to counter them; they were both less ready for war than Germany when it came. The reason for this was simple, Germany under Hitler had the express intention of spreading eastwards by military conquest and had been rearming with that aim in mind. Britain and France were only reacting to Germany's action and a reaction will always be slower, because it comes after and in response to, an action. Both Britain and France were doing all they could to avoid a conflict, Germany in contrast actively sought one (initially with Poland and then Russia).

    When the talking ended following the invasion of Poland on 1st September 1939 and the expiry of the 3rd September deadline, both Britain and France fully mobilised in order to react to German aggression. Significantly neither country attempted an invasion of Germany itself. Time passed, the allies armaments industries went into high gear, more British troops were sent to France and the period known as the Phoney War began.

Diekmann had received information that morning from two collaborators in the French Milice (secret police), who told him that Kämpfe was being held prisoner in Oradour-sur-Glane and that the Maquisards, as the resistance fighters were called, were planning to burn Kämpfe alive. This information was confirmed by German intelligence reports.

Another SS officer named Karl Gerlach, had been kidnapped the day before by the Maquis and taken to Oradour-sur-Glane, after he had offered to give information to their leader in exchange for his life. In the village, Gerlach saw members of the Maquis, including women who were dressed in leather jackets and wearing steel helmets, the clothing of Resistance fighters. He escaped, wearing nothing but his underwear, just as they were preparing to execute him. He gave this information to Diekmann and showed him the location of Oradour-sur-Glane on a map.

Also on the day before, in the nearby town of Tulle, 73 SS soldiers had been murdered by the Maquisards after they had surrendered, and their bodies had been horribly mutilated beyond recognition. Genitals had been cut off and stuffed into their mouths. Some of the soldiers had been run over by trucks while they were still alive. An SS soldier had been dragged by his heels, face down, behind a vechicle until he was dead. Female resistance fighters had thrown excrement on the bodies of the SS soldiers. These were German soldiers who had surrendered in good faith to the Maquis, but had not been treated according to the rules of warfare under the 1929 Geneva Convention. After the Allied invasion at Normany, General Dwight D. Eisenhower had unilaterally informed the German army that the French resistance fighters were to be regarded as legal combatants under the protection of the Geneva Convention, but the partisans in Tulle were not honoring the Convention.

Just outside the southern entrance to Oradour-sur-Glane, the SS soldiers came upon the horrible scene of a recent ambush of a German Army ambulance. Four wounded German soldiers had been burned alive inside the ambulance; the driver and another soldier in the passenger seat had been chained to the steering wheel and burned alive.

French like germans

On Hitler's orders, the German conquerors went out of their way to be friendly. They set up food depots and soup kitchens to feed the French people until the economy could be brought back to normal. The French soon decided that collaboration with the Germans was to their advantage.

After the successful Normandy invasion, General Dwight D. Eisenhower made the decision not to take Paris immediately. De Gaulle knew that Paris was a Communist stronghold and he believed that, if Paris were liberated from within by the Communists, France would become a Communist country after the war. To prevent the Communists from taking control of the capital city of Paris, De Gaulle decided that Paris must be liberated by the Allies.

General Heinz Lammerding

 

SS-Brigadeführer Heinz Lammerding

 

Elite SS Units

 

 

In April 1944, the 12,000 strong,  2nd SS Panzer Division "Das Reich" were transferred from the muddy Eastern front to rest and refit in Southern France. The great Russian offensive of 1944 had been stalled by the spring thaw, this provided a window for the redeployment of German forces to France to prepare for the invasion of Fortress Europa.

 

 

Das Reich was an important key to the defense of France since its 209 tanks and assault guns formed fully one tenth of the German armored forces in France. 2nd SS would be relied upon to strike swiftly when the Allies landed on French soil. However, much to the chagrin of Rommel and others, Das Reich was placed some 450 miles from the northern French coastline, which is where most agreed the Allied invasion would occur.

 

 
   

 

Jewish partisans

25,000 Paris did nothing. Nonme did anything until 1944. Mostly back marterers, roibbres

 

 

 

Robert Hebras, one of the 5 survivors of the Laudy barn, wrote a book called "Oradour-sur-Glane, the Tragedy Hour by Hour," in which he described Diekmann as a "blood-thirsty man" and said that "Major Dickmann was a man whose callousness had earned him the reputation of a cold, cruel butcher, and a drunkard besides."

Diekmann lies buried in the huge La Cambre Cemetery at Normandy where the bodies of 21,115 German soldiers were laid to rest. During the 60th anniversary ceremonies at Normandy, German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder took part, but he made it a point not to visit La Cambre to pay his respects to the German soldiers who gave their lives for their country.

 

   

 

Major Kamphe

Also on June 9, Das Reich's SPW (armored personnel carrier) abteilung, III./Der Fuehrer, was ordered by LXVI Reserve Army Corps to reoccupy the town of Gueret, 60 km from its present billeting area. Gueret had been captured by Maquis on June 7, and a German Army attack from the east on June 8 had failed to retake it. Now III./DF approached from the west. It accidentally skirmished with the German Army unit, which had just recaptured the town, and suffered several wounded. These were sent back towards Limoges in two SPW, which were overtaken on the way by III./DF commander SS-Sturmbannfuehrer Helmut Kaempfe alone at the wheel of his command car. He was driving ahead to meet with the mayor of a town along the route.

 

 

A few minutes later the two SPW found Kaempfe's car, deserted and still running. Kaempfe was gone, with no sign of a fight. The main body of III./DF left Gueret in Army hands and followed Kaempfe and the SPW back towards its billets. Upon reaching the car, it searched the surrounding area without finding any trace of Kaempfe or his apparent captors. (1, 21-23)

 he is captured by the communists. who was kidnapped by members of the Further south, Der Führer's 3rd Battalion, commanded by the dashing Major Helmut Kampfe, was advancing from Limoges to Gúeret, the latter in maquis hands. Several engagements took place en route, including the execution of 29-captured Maquisard. Frustrated by these delays, at 8 p.m. Major Kampfe, who is believed to have been alone, overtook his column at high speed driving a Talbot car. A short time later his men found the Talbot abandoned at La Bussiére, 15 miles south of Limoges. There was sign of neither struggle nor injury. In fact, Kampfe had been stopped and kidnapped by a maquis group returning from blowing up a bridge near Brignac. Naturally lone German vehicles travelling in advance of their columns were easy prey and at least one other Das Reich officer was captured in similar circumstances but escaped to tell the tale.

 

 

The Truth on church

The explosion in the church was actually set off by a civilian. This individual is even believed to have shot a civilian while escaping from the church via the vestry, after setting a fuse. (3, 10)

Speculation is that a member of the Maquis, perhaps not even a Frenchman, committed the deed in so that the Germans would be blamed. This would presumably cause even more civilians to join the resistance. Instead, the deaths at Tulle and Oradour ended Maquis activity in the Dordogne through the German withdrawal in August. (1, 32 & 47)

In 1969 Otto Weidinger met the former Maquis chief for the Dordogne, Rene Jugie, who called himself Gao, in Paris. Jugie confirmed that Oradour-sur-Glane had indeed been full of weapons and ammunition. It had been the supply center for all the towns and villages in the Dordogne. Any argument that Oradour had been randomly selected for destruction by the Germans thus received another nail in its coffin. (1, 42)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Jew massacre of SS at Tulle

In the light of day on June 9,  Forty men of III./95 were discovered dead near a school. They showed signs of execution, and local civilians reported the men had been killed after surrendering. Most of the bodies were mutilated, some had had their genitals cut off and stuffed into their mouths.

Jewesses covered the SS with excrement. Other bodies were found around town, bringing the total German dead to 64. The III./95 had reported 80 missing, meaning several were unaccounted for. And 9 more Germans died in rescuing the garrison, as mentioned before. (1, 18-19)

All civilian Jew communists men found in Tulle were gathered in the yard of the local ammunition factory. The operation was directed by Das Reich 1c (third general staff officer, responsible for intelligence) SS-Hauptsturmfuehrer Aurel Kowatsch. He was aided by the Mayor of Tulle, local officials, and the manager of the factory in selecting all non-residents and suspicious individuals. The remaining men were released. From the suspects 120 men were selected for execution as guerrillas by SD official Walter. A number were released because of their youth, and then the remaining 98 were executed, at the direction of Kowatsch, by the Pioneer platoon of SS-Panzer Aufklarungs Abteilung 2.

 

Oradour-sur-Glane

 

Synopsis of the Official Story of Oradour-sur-Glane

Around 2 p.m. on 10 June 1944, four days after the Allied invasion of Normandy, approximately 150 Waffen-SS soldiers entered the tranquil village of Oradour-sur-Glane in the Limosin region of south central France. For no apparent reason, Hitler's elite troops destroyed every building in this peaceful village and brutally murdered a total of 642 innocent men, women and children, an unexplained tragedy which has gone down in history as one of the worst war crimes committed by the German army in World War II.

On that beautiful Summer day, the defenseless inhabitants of Oradour-sur-Glane were rudely dragged out of their homes, including the sick and the elderly, and ordered to assemble on the Fairgrounds on the pretext of checking their identity papers. After all had been assembled, they were forced to wait in suspense with machine guns pointed at them. Then the women were separated from the men and marched a short distance to the small Catholic Church, carrying infants in their arms or pushing them in baby carriages.

The men were then ordered to line up in three rows and face a wall that bordered on the Fairgrounds. A short time later, they were randomly divided into groups and herded into six buildings: barns, garages, a smithy, and a wine storehouse. Around 4 p.m., a loud explosion was heard which was interpreted by the men to be a signal for the SS soldiers to begin firing their machine guns. Most of the men were wounded in the legs and then burned alive when every building in the village was set on fire at around 5 p.m. By some miracle, 6 of the men managed to escape from one of the burning barns and 5 of them survived. They testified in court about this completely unjustified German barbarity against blameless French civilians.

The Oradour church only had a seating capacity of 350 persons, but 245 frightened women and 207 sobbing children were forced inside at gunpoint while the men were still sitting on the grass of the Fairgrounds, awaiting their fate. The women and children were locked inside the church while the SS soldiers systematically looted all the homes in this prosperous farming village. Then around 4 p.m. a couple of SS soldiers carried a gas bomb inside this holy place and set it off, filling the church with a cloud of noxious black smoke. Their intention had been to asphyxiate the women and children in the House of God, but their plan failed.

As the women and children pressed against the doors, trying to escape and struggling to breathe, SS soldiers then entered the crowded, smoke-filled church and fired hundreds of shots at the hapless victims, while other SS men stood outside ready to machine-gun anyone who attempted to escape. The soldiers fired low inside the church in order to hit the small children. Babies in their prams were blown up by hand grenades, filled with gas, that were tossed into the church. Then brushwood and straw was carried into the stone church and piled on top of the writhing bodies of those that were not yet dead. The church was then set on fire, burning alive the women and babies who had only been wounded by the shots and the grenades. The clamour coming from the church could be heard for a distance of two kilometers, according the Bishop's office report.

The fire inside the church was so intense that the flames leaped up into the bell tower; the bronze church bells melted from the heat of the flames and fell down onto the floor of the church. One SS soldier was accidentially killed by falling debris when the roof of the church steeple collapsed.

Only one woman, a 47-year-old grandmother, escaped from the church. Taking advantage of a cloud of smoke, she hid behind the main altar where she found a ladder that had been left there for the purpose of lighting the candles on the altar. Madame Marguerite Rouffanche, the lone survivor of the massacre in the church, managed to escape by using the ladder to climb up to a broken window behind the altar, then leaping out of the window, which was 9 feet from the ground. Although hit by machine gun fire and wounded 4 times in the legs and once in the shoulder, she was able to crawl to the garden behind the presbytery where she hid among the rows of peas until she was rescued, 24 hours later, at 5 p.m. the next day, and taken to the hospital in Limoges where she was admitted under an assumed name. It took a full year for her to recover from her wounds. In 1953, she testified before a French military tribunal in Bordeaux about the masscare of the women and children in the church.

There were now about 200 men in the Square, covered by SS troops. The men were split into several barns. Dickmann was by now losing his temper, things were taking too long. He nodded to Captain Kahn who drew his pistol and fired a single shot into the air. This was the signal for the massacre to begin. THe SS threw open the barn doors and began firing and shouting loudly. 30 seconds later the firing petered out. At the church a large strange box was carried into the church and three fuses were lit, it began to pour out acrid fumes but was taking too long so that the soldiers lobbed grenades into the Nave and raked the church with machine gun fire. the fumes drove them out of the door so they continued to lob grenades in through the windows. Inside was a blazing inferno. One SS Lt, Knug, was killed by falling masonry. When the SS had opened fire at the barns, aim was deliberately kept low, taking most of the victims in the legs. Dickmann arrived and entered a barn, not more than a few were already dead, obviously well planned.

An old man was lying by the wall, crying for his wife. Dickmann, with theatrical aplomb, waited whilst eyes turned to him, then he shot the old man though an eye. He questioned men for 10 minutes then shot each one and stormed out of the barn, ordering the men to torch them all. The screams of the dying echoed above the roar of the flames.

 

Sole Witness

The following is the testimony of Madame Rouffanche in the 1953 military tribunl at Bordeaux, as quoted in the Official Publication:

"Shoved together in the holy place, we became more and more worried as we awaited the end of the preparations being made for us. At about 4 p.m. some soldiers, about 20 years old placed a sort of bulky box in the nave, near the choir, from which strings were lit and the flames passed to the apparatus which suddenly produced a strong explosion with dense, black, suffocating smoke billowing out. The women and children, half choked and screaming with fright rushed towards the parts of the church where the air was still breathable. The door of the sacristy was then broken in by the violent thrust of one hoffified group. I followed in after but gave up and sat on a stair. My daughter came and sat down with me. When the Germans noticed that this room had been broken into they savagely shot down those who had tried to find shelter there. My daughter was killed near me by a bullet fired from outside. I owe my life to the idea I had to shut my eyes and pretend to be dead.

 

Firing burst out in the church then straw, faggots and chairs were thrown pele-mele onto bodies lying on the stone slabs. I had escaped from the killing and was without injury so I made use of a smoke cloud to slip behind the altar. In this part of the church there are three windows. I made for the widest one in the middle and with the help of a stool used to light the candles, I tried to reach it. I don't know how but my strength was multiplied. I heaved myself up to it as best I could and threw myself out of the opening that was offered to me through the already shattered window. I jumped about nine feet down.

When I looked up I saw I had been followed in my climb by a woman holding out her baby to me. She fell down next to me but the Germans, alerted by the cries of the baby, machine-gunned us. The woman and the mite were killed and I too was injured as I made it to a neighboring garden and hid among some rows of peas and waited anxiously for someone to come to help me. That wasn't until the following day at 5 p.m."

Many accounts of the escape from the church say

 

10th June 1944

    Towards the end of the Second World War, in a peaceful part of France, there took place a particularly horrible murder of 642 men women and children.

    On the 10th of June 1944, a group of soldiers from the Der Führer regiment of the 2nd SS-Panzer Division Das Reich entered and then surrounded the small town of Oradour-sur-Glane, near to the city of Limoges.

    At first, they told the Mayor, Jean Desourteaux, that there was to be an identity check and that everyone must go to the Champ de Foire (fairground) whilst this took place. After rounding up all the inhabitants that they could find, the SS then changed their story from that of an identity check, to one of searching for hidden arms and explosives. The soldiers then said that whilst they searched for the arms the women and children must wait in the church and the men in nearby barns.

    The women and children were marched off to the church, the children being encouraged by the soldiers to sing as they went. After they had left, the men were divided into six groups and led off to different barns in the town under armed guard. When the townspeople were all safely shut away the SS began to kill them all.

    A large gas bomb, seemingly made out of smoke-screen grenades and intended to asphyxiate the occupants, was placed in the church, but it did not work properly when it went off and so the SS had to use machine guns and hand grenades to disable and kill the women and children. After they had subdued all the occupants of the church, the soldiers piled wood on the bodies, many of whom were still alive and set it on fire.

    Shot five times

Only one person managed to escape alive from the church and that was Madame Rouffanche. She saw her younger daughter who was sitting next to her killed by a bullet as they attempted to find shelter in the vestry. Madame Rouffanche then ran to the altar end of the church where she found a stepladder used to light the candles. Placing the ladder behind the altar she climbed up and threw herself through a window and out onto the ground some 10 feet below. As she picked herself up, a woman holding her baby tried to follow, but they were seen by the soldiers and both woman and child were killed. In spite of being shot and wounded five times, Madame Rouffanche escaped round the back of the church and dug herself into the earth between some rows of peas, where she remained hidden until late the next day.

    At the same time that the gas bomb exploded in the church, the SS fired their machine guns into the men crowded in the barns. They deliberately fired low, so that many of the men were badly wounded but not killed. The soldiers then piled wood and straw on the bodies and set it alight, many of the men thus burned to death, unable to move because of their injuries. Six men did manage to escape from Madame Laudy's barn, but one of them was seen and shot dead, the other 5 all wounded, got away under cover of darkness.

    Whilst these killings were taking place, the soldiers searched the town for any people who had evaded the initial roundup and killed them were they found them. One old invalid man was burned to death in his bed and a baby was baked to death in the local bakery ovens, other people were killed and their bodies thrown down a well. People who attempted to enter the town to see what was going on were shot dead. A local tram which arrived during the killings was emptied of passengers, who after several terrifying minutes were let go in peace.

    After killing all the townspeople that they could find, the soldiers set the whole town on fire and early the next day, laden with booty stolen from the houses, they left.

    The soldiers then journeyed on up through France to Normandy and joined the rest of the German army in attempting to throw the allied invasion back into the sea. Many of them, including Sturmbannführer Adolf Diekmann, who had led the attack on Oradour-sur-Glane, were killed in the Normandy battles.

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The mystery of why?

    What has fascinated people ever since the 10th of June 1944, is why did the SS act as they did? Why did they turn up at Oradour that day and without mentioning anything to the inhabitants, kill them all? That a few people survived the attack was not due to any lack of zeal on the part of the SS, but why did they do it?

    There had never been any obvious Resistance activity in the town, the Germans had never been attacked by the townspeople and after the killings were over the SS left without saying why they had done it to anyone at all. If the attack had been a reprisal for some violence towards the German forces, it would be normal for the Germans to say (loudly) to all the local population, 'that's what you get when you help the Resistance, let that be a lesson to you all'. But they did not, they just left without saying a word.

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The events that led up to the attack

    To understand the reason why, we must go back to the end of the First World War in 1918. After Germany was defeated, the allies, mainly France, made her pay a very heavy price for the war and this led to very strong feelings of resentment. There was much hardship within Germany in the years between the end of the war in 1918 and the 1930's and this enabled a young Austrian called Adolf Hitler to become the ruler of the country in 1933. Hitler led the Nazi party, which was an extremely violent and racist group, with the express intention of restoring Germany's prestige by winning back all her losses and making the country strong and internationally respected.

    The Nazi party vigorously persecuted all groups that they did not like, such as the communists and especially, the Jews. As a result of their violent nature and the attacks upon them by other parties the Nazis created a special group of soldiers called the, Schutzstaffel, or SS (the name means, Protection Squad) to act as the bodyguards of the party leaders. These men were chosen to be armed guards of the Nazi movement and to be totally loyal to Hitler and his party; they were 'political soldiers'.

    The SS made blind obedience to orders a virtue and any sign of compassion to their enemies was regarded as a sign of weakness. They were fanatics, who showed no mercy and expected no mercy in return.

    Eventually Hitler's aggressive politics proved too much and when he invaded Poland on 1st September 1939, both Britain and France declared war. At first Germany was very successful and quickly conquered Poland and then turned on France, defeating her in June 1940.

    France asked for peace terms, which were granted by the Germans. As a result France was divided up into 9 zones, only one of which was allowed to be ruled by Frenchmen, the others were governed by Germany and her allies. After about a year, or so the French Resistance movement came into being and from 1941 up to the end of the war in France in 1944, they were a thorn in the flesh for the Germans. The French Resistance was not a single united group, especially in the beginning they were disorganised and very weak. Eventually two main groups were formed; the largest was controlled from London by General Charles de Gaulle and the smaller by the French Communist Party. The communists were called the FTP and they were a ruthless group who during the war years killed many French people whom they suspected of working with the Germans.

    The part of France which was allowed to govern itself was called, Vichy France, because its headquarters were at the spa town of Vichy. The Vichy government had its own ruthless and brutal set of guards called the, Milice and they were absolutely hated by all members of the Resistance, who regarded them as traitors.

    From the defeat of France in 1940 the war was to last for nearly another 5 years, with massive loss of life on all sides, most estimates put the total number of dead as being around 30 million people, mostly civilians. It may seem strange that more civilians died than did soldiers, but that is the way it was. Many people were killed in air raids on cities and many died of starvation, especially in Russia. The most shameful part of the war and the part that was carried out by the SS was the murder of about 6 million Jews of all nationalities, for no other reason than that they were Jewish.

    After the initial easy successes Hitler decided to attack Russia in 1941 and at first things went well for the Germans and then they faltered, were halted and eventually were driven back to Germany. By early 1944, the war was going badly for them and it was about to get even worse as the British, Americans, Canadians and the Free French were getting ready to invade northern France in June of that year.

    Towards the end of 1943 the 2nd SS-Panzer Division, Das Reich, was moved from Russia to southern France so that they could be re-equipped and re-train. One of Das Reich's young officers was Adolf Diekmann who had been severely wounded fighting the French in 1940. He had been shot through the lung and had spent several years as an instructor on light duties at the SS-officer training school at Bad Tölz, before going to Russia in the autumn of 1943. Another officer was Diekmann's friend Helmut Kämpfe, who had already spent several years in Russia and had recently won the Knights Cross for his bravery in halting a Russian tank attack.

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Das Reich moves north

  When the invasion began on 6th June 1944, Das Reich was ordered to move north to Normandy to help the rest of the German army repel the allies and throw them back into the sea.

    As soon as the SS began to move north they were attacked by the Resistance. At every step along the way they were ambushed and shot at. The soldiers began to detest the Resistance fighters who never wore uniforms and so could not be identified as the enemy until they started shooting. No soldier has ever liked guerrilla fighters, it is hard enough to face an enemy who is clearly marked, much worse to be shot in the back by a smiling civilian who has just passed you in the street.

 

The Resistance could not do much serious damage to Das Reich, but they could and did irritate the troops a great deal, in the same way that midges can spoil a picnic.

    These attacks continued and then on the 8th of June the FTP Resistance tried to liberate the town of Tulle from the occupying German garrison. In the battle that followed, the FTP came close to capturing all the German troops, but before they could quite finish the job, that evening Das Reich arrived to the rescue. The SS made short work of the undisciplined and poorly armed Resistance fighters, who were soon in full retreat.

 

    When the Germans had secured the town they found that the Resistance had killed and mutilated some surrendered garrison troops, so reprisals were called for. The SS rounded up all the men that they could find and after questioning them briefly, selected 120 of them to be hung from lampposts as a warning to the Resistance and anyone thinking of helping them. There was no proof that these 120 men were actually members of the Resistance, but that did not matter to the SS. After 99 had been hung, the soldiers ran out of rope and so the remainder were not killed on the spot, but deported to Germany as slave labourers.

 

    On the 9th of June Das Reich was asked to help drive the Resistance off from another town garrison that they were attacking. This town was called Guéret and the group that went to its assistance was commanded by Helmut Kämpfe. After driving to the town the SS found that they were not needed and so they decided to return to their new headquarters at Limoges. Kämpfe recklessly decided to drive on ahead of his men and about 10 miles from Limoges he met a lorry carrying some Resistance fighters who kidnapped him.

The Resistance men managed to avoid Kämpfe's men and took him to their local headquarters at Cheissoux, from where he seems to have been moved that night to Breuilaufa by way of Limoges. Whilst he was being driven through Limoges Kämpfe managed to throw his personal papers out of the vehicle as a clue to his whereabouts; they were found and handed in to his commanding officer, Sylvester Stadler. It seems that Kämpfe was killed by the Resistance at Breuilaufa either on the night of the 9th or early on the morning of the 10th of June.

    During the day of the 9th June another officer, Karl Gerlach and his driver were kidnapped by the Resistance and according to Gerlach they were taken to Oradour-sur-Glane before being driven off to be killed. Gerlach managed to escape, but not his driver and he eventually managed to make his way back to Limoges to report to Stadler what had happened.

    On the morning of the 10th June Diekmann travelled from his headquarters at St. Junien to attend a meeting called by Stadler in Limoges and on arrival said that he had news from the Milice of a unnamed captured German officer being held at Oradour-sur-Glane. This man he now assumed to be Kämpfe and thus he requested permission to go and rescue him. Stadler is said to have agreed and added that if Kämpfe were not to be found, then Diekmann should take 30 or more hostages and hold them prisoner in order to force the Resistance to release him. Diekmann then left for Oradour via St. Junien after he had spoken to Gerlach in order to hear his story first hand.

    As we now know Diekmann did not attempt to take any hostages at all, he went to Oradour-sur-Glane simply to kill everyone. Later that afternoon he reported back to Stadler with the news of what he had done and Stadler is said to have been shocked at his news.

    Stadler was supposed to be so upset at what Diekmann had done that he promised to have a Divisional court martial set up to try Diekmann for the crime of killing the women and children. The death of the men was not judged to be worthy of a trial, but that of the women and children was thought to be shocking. However, Diekmann was not relived of his command, which makes me think that neither Stadler nor Lammerding, the commanding officer of Das Reich, were really upset over what he had done. In the event Diekmann was killed in action on 29th June before the court could try him. After his death the German authorities let the matter drop and no one was ever tried by the German courts for the massacre.

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ORADOUR-SUR-GLANE (Central France, June 10, 1944)

On their 450 mile drive from the south of France to the Normandy invasion area, the 2nd SS Panzer Division 'Das Reich' (15,000 men aboard 1,400 vehicles, including 209 tanks) under the command of SS General Lammerding, arrived at Limoges, a town famous for its porcelain. In the small town of St. Junien (30 kilometres from Limoges) the 'Der Führer Regiment' was regrouping.

Following many encounters with the local maquis in which two German soldiers were killed, a unit of the regiment arrived at ORADOUR (believed to be a hotbed of maquis activity) in a convoy of trucks and half-tracks. At about 2 PM on this Saturday afternoon the 120 man SS unit surrounded the village ordering all inhabitants to parade in the market place for an identity check. Women and children were separated from the menfolk and herded into the local church. The men were herded in groups into six carefully chosen local garages and barns and shot. Their bodies were then covered with straw and set on fire. The 452 women and children in the church were then suffocated by smoke grenades lobbed in through the windows and sharpnel grenades that were thrown down the nave while machine-guns raked the interior. The church was then set on fire.

Incredibly, one woman, Mme Marguerite Rouffanche, escaped by jumping through a window, she was the only witness to the carnage in the church. (Mme Rouffanche died, aged 91, in March, 1988) Unspeakable atrocities were committed throughout the village, but some men managed to escape. The commanding officer of the 1st Battalion of the SS Regiment at ORADOUR was thirty-two year old SS Sturmbannführer Adolf Diekmann, a survivor of the Russian Front. He was later killed in the Normandy battle area on June 30 when hit in the head by shrapnel. Many members of the "Das Reich" reacted with surprising venom against the officer who ordered the massacre and a court martial was established but Diekmann died before the trial took place.

The world heard of this massacre eight years later when some of those responsible were brought to trial. In 1953, a French Military Court at Bordeaux, established that 642 people (245 women, 207 children and 190 men) had perished. Twenty-one other members of his company (including fourteen Frenchmen from Alsace-Lorraine who had been conscripted into the SS) were sentenced to death but later their sentences were commuted to terms of imprisonment. All were released by 1959. SS General Lammerding died peacefully at his home at Bad Toltz in Germany on January 13, 1971, of cancer. A close friend of Diekmann was Major Helmut Kampfe, commanding officer of the 3rd Battalion of the Der Führer Regiment. He was kidnapped and executed by the FTP (Communists) the day before the massacre. His kidnapping was not the only reason for the events at Oradour.

Gold

 

 

 

 

Gold, looted by the Nazis, and then stolen by the Maquis, was rumoured to be hidden in the village, why else the indiscriminate destruction?

In Nazi Europe, neutral Switzerland carried out business as usual, providing the international banking channels that facilitated the transfer of gold, currencies, and commodities between nations. Always heavily dependent on Swiss cooperation to pay for imports, the Reich became even more so as the ultimate defeat of the National Socialist regime became obvious and neutrals grew more wary of cooperating with the Axis belligerents. Since early 1943, Swiss cooperation had become essential as other neutrals responded to Allied pressure and refused to exchange war materials for specie. As defeat loomed, neutrals also became increasingly reluctant to accept payment in Reichsmarks. This left payment in foreign currency, of which Nazi Germany had precious little after nearly a decade of autarky and war.

In this critical situation, the Swiss banks acted as clearinghouses whereby German gold--much of which was looted from occupied countries--could be converted to a more suitable medium of exchange. An intercepted Swiss diplomatic cable shows how, allegedly without inquiring as to its origin, the Swiss National Bank helped the German Reichsbank convert some $15 million in (probably) looted Dutch gold into liquid assets:

Nazis shipping gold To South America

 

 

 

Today, the village of Oradour-sur-Glane stands in ruins, just as the SS left it.

 

Oradour-sur-Glane's complete destruction is clearly visible, even from this distance
Aerial view of Oradour-sur-Glane
Photo by Mike Bedard - http://www.mikebikes.org/97trip/oradour.html

 

 

 

 

The supposed slaughter of Oradour sur Glane by WSS

For all our english speaking friends on this forum, who are not fortunate enough to read the great work made by Vincent Reynouard on this event, I would like to give a few points about it.
A few days ago, my friend Irish NS mailed me to inquire about those events :
he was wondering, (and I am sure many of you did so) how a unit such as the Das Reich division who was known for its bravery on the front, could have suddenly darken its reputation by slaying unarmed civilians.

I can however briefly summarize you what Reynouard has found about Oradour.

The official version tells us that in 06/10/1944, a few days after the Normandy landing, a detachement of the Das Reich division went to the village of Oradour to avenge the kidnapping by the maquisards, of an SS officer, the major Kämpfe (in earlier versions of this story, this fact is not even mentionned). They are supposed to have deliberately burned alive something like 400 women and children held in the village church, and shot down all the remaining men taken as hostages. All this was known thanks to the testimony of the
only one survivor, Marguerite Rouffanche.

Vincent Reynouard has compiled the many testimonies of the people who have witnessed those tragic events and have found many contradictions that make them at least suspect, at worst false.
Marguerite Rouffanche have certainly never been to the place of the slaughter, and have been influenced to give a false testimony by a communist journalist after those events.

Reynouard has also analysed the ruins of the church, and he has found there were no big traces of fire but rather traces of explosion, an explosion that originated in the steeple of the church. Pursuing his investigations, he found it was common practice among the maquisards of this area to hide explosives in the church's steeples!...

All those findings led him to a different theory :

after the kidnapping of major Kämpfe, the german army was especially anxious for him, especially considering the fact that the day before, the Das Reich went to the city of
Tulle to rescue a detachement of the german army incircled by partisans : they have found the bodies of 60 german soldiers atrocely mutilated, their testicles cut off and put in their mouths, being driven over with trucks and so on... The people who have done this stuff were not french but communist spaniards, russians, poles, probably jewish...

They got the information that the major Kämpfe could be detained in Oradour sur Glane. They got there, brought all the women and children to safety in the church, regrouped all the men, in other places, and they started to search the village.
They have found many explosives and weapons, and have found in the baker's oven, human remains that could have been those of the unfortunate major, and then in a water pit some human bodies (probably those of french collaborators or of other german soldiers).

 And then all of a sudden, the church exploded. There were certainly some spanish maquisards hidding themselves in the steeple, and the women have probably started a panic movement against them being anxious for their men, because they were in the know of what has happened in the village. And then a fierce fight have started between the SS and the remaining spaniards, as proven by the huge quantities of american ammunitions found inside the church and the many spanish names among the list of the people killed (too much for a little village of Limousin!...).

Thinking they were under attack by the maquis, the SS have finished to shot down the remaining male hostages, under the confusion, because they didn't know anymore who was friend or foe.

That's more or less what Reynouard is explaining in his book, with a lot more details and informations...

If you are fluent in french or have the possibility to get it translated you have the text of Mr Reynouard available at this place :

Wrong again. Major Kampfe was dead before Dieckmann ordered the reprisals at Oradour sur Glane. Because Dieckmann received info from 2 milice informants that a German officer was held hostage and would be exceuted the next day. Stadler ordered the released of a partisan held as prisoner as a gesture to negotiate the release of Kampfe.
 
The incident that instigated this was the disappearance of Dickmann's counterpart from the 3rd battalion, Major Helmut Kampfe. Kampfe was a close friend of Dickmann, who assumed he was captured and killed by resistance units. Dickmann and Kampfe's successor

The man in the photo above is Major Helmut Kämpfe, the commander of Der Führer Battalion 3, who was kidnapped by members of the FTP, the French Communist resistance, on 9 June 1944. The SS soldiers claimed that the reason for going to Oradour-sur-Glane on June 10, 1944 was to look for Kämpfe, an officer who was very well liked and a close friend of Adolf Diekmann. On the day of the massacre, Diekmann had been given information about Kämpfe by two collaborators in the Milice, the French secret police which helped the German Gestapo. Allegedly, the French resistance fighters in Oradour-sur-Glane were going to execute Kämpfe by ceremoniously burning him alive that day. Kämpfe was the highest ranking officer ever to be captured by the resistance. His execution was to be a big event

 

 

 

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The Liberation of Limoges (1944 - 1952)

On August 3rd 1944, Guingouin became departmental head of 4th Brigade of the FFI and began preparing the operation to liberate the city of Limoges from Nazi control. Earlier in the year, Guingouin had defied the party line to attack the city believing that such an attack would have proved too costly.

Guingouin understood that the head of Gestapo in Limoges had promised to execute all 2,863 Limousinaise prisoners before leaving the city. Nevertheless, Guingouin, at the head of 8,750 FTP fighters, augmented by British SOE agents, Spanish Republicans, other French Resistance units and Russian Liberationists, had already given orders to carry out an encircling movement around the city.

 

Faced by siege situation, Guingouin succeeded in obtaining the surrender of General Gleiniger, commander of the German garrison troops for the Limousin. However, Gleiniger's surrender was not accepted by the 19th Regiment of SS Police. One unit, aided by the peaceful entry of Guingouin's fighters into the city, took the opportunity to assassinate Gleiniger and escape towards Creuse, leaving the body of their former Garrison General in a rubbish pile at the cemetery in Guéret. It was not until the evening of August 21st that the remaining part of the garrison,12 officers and 350 men, finally surrendered the city of Limoges

The City of Limoges had been liberated purely through the efforts of the French Forces of the Interior under the command of Guingouin. On his return to France and in recognition of the military exploits of the resistance fighters of the city, General de Gaulle, praised the city as the Capital of the Maquis.

Following the liberation of Limoges, 20,000 resistance fighters, in the Limousin, fell directly under the orders of Colonel Guingouin. But on November 20th 1944, Guingouin was seriously injured in a car accident and, as a result, was hospitalized until April 4th 1945.

In recognition of his popularity in the city, Guingouin was officially elected mayor of Limoges from 1945 until 1947 and then, having served his term, returned to teaching firstly at l'Aube and then successively at Montiéramey, Saint André les Vergers and Troyes.

However the man that General de Gaulle presented as "one of most influential figures of the Resistance" became the victim of a slanderous attack by two police officers who, under the Nazi occupation, had continued their personal assault of Guingouin's character albeit in vain.

As the Germans were pushed back in Normandy and began to retreat in the south-west, Guingouin's forces closed on Limoges, and the city's German commander surrendered on August 21 1944. Limoges was liberated without a shot being fired, but the Resistance had contributed significantly to weakening German morale in the region. Guingouin, greeted as a hero, was rewarded by being elected mayor of Limoges in 1945.

A 1953 law offered an amnesty to most former collaborators, and Vichy supporters rehabilitated themselves by alleging there had been a Communist bloodbath in France at the liberation.

 

 

THE BLACK MARKET

Why did the black market arise in France? The basic reason for

any black market, in France or in any country at war, is that there

is a great shortage of certain goods, which people need.

Why were there great shortages in France? Largely because

during the four years of occupation, the Germans stripped

France bare. (In Marseille, the food depot for the whole south of

France, the Germans took 60% of the food that was being

 

shipped in.) And when the Germans left they took along everything they could lay their hands on.

There was another important reason for the black market: During four years of occupation, thousands of French men and women

who were fugitives from the Gestapo or members of the resistance, had no identification cards and no ration cards. They

could only live through false papers. Meaning, they could only live illegally, by getting food and supplies from the black market.

So the black market took on a quality which we never had in the United States: it became patriotic for many people to patronize

the black market.

Beirbaum used kids

It was one way of continuing to fight German rule, one way of getting supplies with which to carry on

resistance. It was a weapon against the Germans. The black market in France was not, as it was in America, a

market for relative luxuries (gasoline, whiskey, steaks, butter.) In France, no city family could get enough food from the rations doled out

 by the Germans. From 1941 to the liberation of Paris n 1944, the Parisians were getting between 1,067 and 1,325

calories of food per day; 2,400 calories a day is considered the necessary minimum for adults not engaged in heavy work. (The

average consumption in the United States is 3,367 calories daily. Our army ration provides 4,000 to 5,000 calories a day.)

 

 Paris Black marketeer

Even with black market purchases, most Frenchmen did not have enough to eat for four years. Hence the story of two Frenchmen

discussing the black market: One said "Would you be willing to

stop buying anything on the black market for a week?"; "Certainly not," was the reply, "Do you want my children to go hungry?"

The black market in France disappeared when there was enough food and supplies in the ordinary stores, in sufficient quantity to

be sold at reasonable prices. When the French had more transportation to bring the crops into the cities, the black market

did less business.

Epstein

 

 

     
 

http://www.oradour.info/

http://www.oradour.info/ruined/chapter3.htm   the people

http://www.scrapbookpages.com/Oradour-sur-Glane/Cemetery/index.html

 

 
     

 

Oradour-sur-Glane

 

Synopsis of Revisionist Claims by Vincent Reynouard

Vincent Reynouard is a French revisionist who disputes the official version of the massacre at Oradour-sur-Glane. On 9 June 2004, his previous conviction on a charge of "approval of a war crime" was upheld on appeal and Reynouard was sentenced to two years in prison with 18 months of that time on probation, plus a 3,000 euro fine. The court also upheld the confiscation of his research papers which had been seized in May 2001.

Essentially, Reynouard's crime was that he claimed that survivors of the Oradour massacre lied about the tragedy, and that the women and children were killed by an explosion in the church which was not set off by the Waffen-SS soldiers who were in the village that day. Contrary to Reynouard's revisionist claims, the women and children were burned alive by a fire that was set in the church by the Waffen-SS soldiers, according to the official story.

Reynouard wrote an article which was published in German on this web site:

http://www.deutsche-stimme.com/Ausgaben2004/Sites/10-04-Oradour.html

In the article on this web site, Reynouard claims that Mathieu Borie, one of the survivors of the massacre in the Laudy barn, was a member of the FTP, the Communist Résistance organization, and that his friend Maurice Beaubreuil was also connected with the French Résistance. He claims that Monsieur Dupic belonged to the French Secret Army and that Paul Doutre was a supporter of the partisans.

In his Internet article, Reynouard said that he wrote, in his revisionist book about Oradour-sur-Glane, that he had checked the government archives and had found that partisans were regularly active in Oradour, as evidenced by records of thefts of cigarettes and gasoline. This partisan activity was contained in a government report by Guy Pauchou, who later co-authored the Official Report in which he stated that Oradour had been a perfectly peaceful village.

In his most ridiculous statement, Reynouard claims that Madame Rouffanche, the lone survivor of the church, could not have jumped out of a window in the church because it was a 12 foot drop and then another 7.5 feet from the top of the retaining wall to the road where she was shot 5 times in the legs by the Waffen-SS soldiers. Reynouard points out that Madame Rouffanche was 47 years old, implying that a woman that age could not have jumped out of a window from that height. If he had carefully studied the testimony of Madame Rouffanche, he would have known that she didn't jump down to the road from the top of the retaining wall, but rather crawled around the church to the garden behind the presbyterie after she was shot 4 times in the legs and once in the shoulder as she stood on the ground underneath the window. His measurements are all wrong: the window is less than 12 feet from the ground, and the retaining wall is around 10 feet high.

He points out that Madame Rouffanche testified that there was no explosion inside the church the whole time she was there, although other witnesses stated that they heard several loud explosions. Reynouard accuses Madame Rouffanche of giving false testimony at the military tribunal held in Bordeaux in 1953. Reynouard doesn't believe that Madame Rouffanche was even in the church. He claims that she gave conflicting statements over the years about a crate or box that was brought into the church by two SS soldiers. This was the "smoke bomb" that was allegedly set off by means of lighting a fuse.

Reynouard bluntly calls Madame Rouffanche a liar. He claims that her daughter was a member of the Résistance, using the code name "Danielle." In 1996, Reynouard learned that a British RAF flier named Len Cotton was hidden for three days in the vestry of the Oradour church where "Danielle" brought him food. Reynouard claims that Len Cotton told him in a telephone conversation that Oradour had been a large base of the Résistance. For Reynouard, this is proof that Madame Rouffanche lied in her court testimony because of her connections to the Résistance. Reynouard wrote that Madame Rouffanche, with her improbable story of the "crate" and her jump from the church window, which bordered on a miracle, had tried to put the entire blame onto the Waffen-SS in order to white-wash the Résistance of any responsibility.

More about Len Cotton can be found on this web site:

http://www.oradour.info/images/rafman01.htm

Reynouard wrote that he had already published the story about Len Cotton seven years ago, but there had been no statement by representatives of the official version regarding this story.

Reynouard claims that, with the help of an attorney, he studied the trial testimony which was taken down in shorthand by the court reporter during the war crimes trial held in Bordeaux in 1953. From these shorthand notes, he learned that Mrs. Renaud testified that "there was a large explosion in the church." Mr. Petit testified during the trial that he had entered the church briefly after the tragedy and "it was a terrible picture. There was no intact body. Some had been torn into two pieces." Some of the Waffen-SS soldiers had also testified during the trial about an explosion in the church, according to the notes taken by the court reporter.

Reynouard wrote that he had conducted his research like a Criminal Investigation, examining photos of the corpses found after the massacre. The corpses of the men were burned beyond recognition, but the corpses of the women and children in the church were torn apart with arms, legs and heads severed from the torsos; the clothing on some of the corpses of the women was not burned. The faces on the severed heads were recognizable. According to Reynouard, the corpses of the women and children looked like the typical victims of an explosion, and the church looked like the ruins of a church that had been the victim of a bombardment.

Reynouard points out that a reporter, Pierre Poitevin, who saw the church only hours after the massacre, observed that the fabric flowers (Stoffblumen) on the altar had not burned. Those same flowers are still in the church today, according to Reynouard. The tragedy took place in June when plenty of real flowers would have been available, so why would they have put silk flowers on the altar?

As proof that there was an explosion in the church, Reynouard points out in his article that the roof was blown off, but there does not seem to be much damage caused by a fire inside the church. The wooden confessional did not burn, for example. A brass ball on the roof of the tower did not melt, according to Reynouard, indicating that the roof was blown off, rather than burned. An engraved inscription on the melted bronze bells can still be seen. This proves that the fire in the tower did not burn very long, according to Reynouard. The implication is that a flash fire caused by an explosion partially melted the bells. A Waffen-SS soldier was killed by a stone falling from the church, which is further proof of an explosion in Reynouard's opinion.

Reynouard wrote that he became interested in the Oradour tragedy in 1989. In August 1990, he met Mr. Renaud, one of the survivors of the village and the husband of the woman who testified in court about an explosion in the church. Mr. Renaud told him that he had witnessed an explosion in the church tower and felt the shock waves. Reynouard also claims that he spoke with Maurice Beaubreuil, a survivor who hid with his aunt in a house near the church; Beaubreuil told him about hearing a strong explosion. Today these two men deny that they ever spoke with Reynouard. Reynouard claims that he took notes in a small red notebook in 1990, but it was confiscated and he could not prove in court that he had spoken with Renaud and Beaubreuil.

Reynouard points out that in Oradour-sur-Glane, there were refugees who were Spanish soldiers that had fought against Franco in the Civil War in Spain. He claims that these soldiers would have recruited the villagers to fight along with them in the French Résistance. He points out that the Spanish refugees are never mentioned in the official story. On the contrary, the 26 Spaniards who had been living in Oradour-sur-Glane since 1939, when the Spanish Civil War ended, were most certainly mentioned in the official stories that I read.

Reynouard makes the outrageous claim that the burned bodies found inside the bakery and the bodies that had been thrown into a well were those of German soldiers who had been previously killed by the partisans in the village. If this is true, why didn't the Waffen-SS soldiers take these bodies with them for a proper burial instead of leaving them to be found by the survivors after the destruction of the village?

According to Reynouard's article, the German version of the story, which Reynouard agrees with, is that 120 to 150 members of the Waffen-SS had gone to Oradour-sur-Glane to look for the German soldier, H. Kaempfe, who had been kidnapped by Communist partisans under the direction of Jean Canou. Canou was a Sargeant in the FTP, the Communist resistance army. Canou testified at the 1953 trial of 21 of the SS perpetrators that Kämpfe had been kidnapped and was first taken to the village of Cheissoux; then he was turned over to Canou's "chief" in the FTP, Georges Guingouin. Canou was the only resistance fighter to testify at the trial; his sworn testimony was that there was no resistance activity of any kind in Oradour-sur-Glane.

Reynouard's Internet article continues the German version of the story: The men were separated from the women and children; they were taken to several barns, while the women and children were taken to the church. Then the Waffen-SS soldiers made a search of the houses, whereby they found many weapons and ammunition. Then there was a large explosion in the church, which tore up the women and children, who were inside. The SS thought they were being attacked and therefore opened fire on the men in the barns.

The French always rejected this German version with its own thesis of the peaceful villagers, according to Reynouard; he wrote that the French version of the story is a poor attempt to present the French as innocent, or at least, to justify their innocence. Reynouard reasons that if the SS had wanted to terrorize and demoralize the population of France, they would have destroyed ten, twenty or fifty villages in a similar manner. He points out that the SS first demanded hostages and then made a search of the town. He asks, rhetoriclly: Why would the SS have wasted all this time in doing a search if they had come into the village only to massacre the population?

Reynouard points out in his article that the Germans had had a perfect excuse to answer the actions of the partisans and to spread "senseless terror" in Tulle where, the day before, 40 German soldiers had been killed by the Resistance and their bodies terribly mutilated. Reynouard explains that, in Tulle, the Waffen-SS left the women and children unharmed, in accordance with their actual custom, while 99 men were hanged. From this, Reynouard concludes that the separation of the women and children from the men in Oradour proves that the SS did not have the intention of killing everyone in the village. Their task, according to Reynouard, was to find the German soldier, H. Kaempfe, and to destory the partisan base in Oradour, but it had inadvertantly ended tragically. Reynouard thinks that the German commander made an error in not searching the church for weapons before the women and children were taken there.

The official transcripts from the trial in Bordeaux have been sealed until 2053. Without having any proof, Reynouard has concocted a scenario in which he theorizes that some of the partisans in Oradour-sur-Glane hid inside the church when they saw the SS men enter the village. When the women and children were taken to the church, the SS soldiers discovered the partisans hiding there, and possibly there was an exchange of gunfire which caused the ammunition hidden in the church to explode.

Reynouard speculates that not all the women and children died in the church as a consequence of the disaster, since parts of the church were not destroyed. He thinks that the women and children who were in the proximity of the wooden confessional and the silk flowers must have survived the drama and that Mrs. Rouffanche was not the only survivor of the church.

In support of his theory, Reynouard mentions the story told by a German soldier, Eberhard Matthes, who visited the ruined village in 1963 and spoke with two women who claimed to have survived the destruction in the church. Why didn't these two women testify during the trial in Bordeaux in 1953? Maybe they did, but we won't know until 2053 when the court records will be open to the public. Until then, Reynouard has no proof of his revisionist claims.

In June 1997, Reynouard published a 450-page book in Belgium; its title was "Le measure acre l'Oradour." This same book was also published in Germany. Reynouard says that he wrote in the preface to the book that he would gladly invite critics to have an honest discussion about what he had written. He claims that the representatives of the historical version would have dismantled his theories in a public argument if their official historical version were correct, but his opponents never noticed this offer in his book. Instead of discussing the matter, they preferred brutal censorship, Reynouard says.

In his article on the Internet, Reynouard says that, after his book was published, an intense media campaign against him began in the Limousin region where Oradour-sur-Glane is located. He claims that he was insulted, dragged into the dirt, and called a liar and a counterfeiter; he was never interviewed by the press and his answers to the accusations were never published. Only his opponents were heard. By September 1997, the sale of his book was forbidden in France by a decree of the Minister of the Interior, who was at that time, Jean- Pierre Chevènement.

Contrary to news reports about the case, Reynouard claims that he did not make a video about Oradour-sur-Glane, and that he did not send the video to two survivors of the massacre. The video was made by a group of activists in 1998 and 1999 to illustrate the arguments that Reynouard had made in his book. One month after it went on the market in January 2001, the video was banned in France. A friend of his had sent a copy of the video to the only two living survivors of the shooting in the barns, Robert Hebras and Marcel Darthout. This was proved in court by a handwriting analysis of the address on the envelope and a DNA analysis of the saliva on the stamps.

Reynouard says that the French authorities tried to accuse him of "denying a war crime," but the accusation had to be amended to "approval of a war crime." On May 16, 2001 his residence in Brussels was searched by Belgian policemen on orders from the French. They seized approximately 60 cardboard boxes containing books, papers and recordings. The offices of his publisher in Antwerp were also searched. Reynouard's passport was confiscated and he was forbidden to visit the area of France where Oradour is located.

On September 27, 2001, four years after Reynouard's book was banned, the French Minister of the Interior issued a decree which also banned the video in France.

The first court proceedings against Reynouard took place on November 18, 2003. During the proceedings, the judge refused to allow the video to be shown. Reynouard claims that the judge insured that he could not defend himself by interrupting him continuously. On December 12th, he was convicted of "approval of a war crime," and sentenced to one year in prison with nine months of that time on proabation; he was also fined 10,000 euro.

His appeal was heard in court, starting on April 14, 2004, and on June 9, 2004, the final judgement was announced. The judges changed the original sentence, going beyond the demand of the prosecutor, and condemned Reynouard to two years in prison with 18 months of that time on probation. The fine was reduced to 3,000 euro with the money going to the three civil parties involved in the case: Marcel Darthout, a survivor of the massacre, the "Internationl League against Racism and Antisemitism," and the "Friends of the Association of the Memory of the Deportation." The Deportation was the name given to the sending of captured French resistance heroes to such Nazi concentration camps as Natzweiler-Struthof, Buchenwald and Dachau, where they were denied the rights of POWs, since they were illegal combatants under the Geneva Convention of 1929.

Reynouard ended his Internet article by claiming that his "enemies" had won legally, but they had lost intellectually because, in the seven years since he wrote his book, they have not answered his arguments, nor openly discussed the contents of the book with him. Instead, they preferred the protection of the law, prohibiting his work and demanding his arrest. Reynouard says that these circles would like to silence him, but they have inadvertantly caused the spreading of his arguments. In that, he is correct: the world-wide publicity about his case has cerainly spread his revisonist story about Oradour-sur-Glane.