In what has been called the worst terrorist attack in America's history, we glimpse an ominous shadow of the events which are still undecided. It may well be said that the jury is still out.
We have heard the many charges and claims of the government through the mainstream media. President Clinton and the Justice Department have implicated the militia and the right wing extremists, inflamed by radical talk show hosts. Then is heard counter claims made by those whom the President has accused . The high profile, much publicized trial, currently winding down in Denver, has not served to clearly reveal everything about this tragic event, nor the deeper issues which it has raised.
FBI agent, Frederick Whitehurst made a significant statement on the witness stand at the McVeigh trial recently. "There is some data missing that I find an enigma." This statement may be more significant than he realized or intended. There seems to be a lack of consensus on the part of many people as to the true underlying motivation for this tragic event.
The fate of Timothy McVeigh rested with the jury but, regardless of their decision, a larger picture is developing in the background. It is a puzzle that WILL BE pieced together and many pieces are emerging from the bombed-out ruins of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City.
Contrasting with the government's insistence on a single bombing suspect, former OKC Federal Grand Juror, Hoppy Heidelberg says, "no one who saw McVeigh with other suspects was ever allowed to testify before the Federal Grand Jury. I think the government knows who John Doe 2 is." Jubilee Magazine, 1996.
When Heidelberg agreed to an interview with a local television reporter, he got a call from the United States Attorney's Office saying he would be arrested if he proceeded with the interview. "They tried everything to shut me up. They said they were going to throw me in jail, they've tried everything to keep me from talking to the press about this." (ibid).
Melissa Klinzing, former News Director of KFOR TV in Oklahoma City, said, "there's not one person in this city who believes Timothy McVeigh blew up the federal building by himself." She recently told The WINDS, "I still stand by that statement," and a large amount of evidence supports her conclusion.
The original news footage live and unedited from the bombing scene shows firemen and medical personnel being called away from the rescue effort in the bombed-out building because of the presence of additional bombs which were found in the wreckage of the building. In an interview with explosives expert, Dr. Randall Heather just a few hours after the blast, he stated, "we got lucky, the second bomb that was found did not detonate." The reporters on the scene said Federal authorities told them that more bombs had been found and they were being defused by munitions experts.
The FBI in Oklahoma City was contacted by The WINDS, but refused to comment or discuss the news reports of additional bombs being discovered inside the bombed-out federal building. Calls to the OKC Fire Department were directed to a Public Information Officer who said any questions directed to rescue workers must first be made in writing to the Fire Chief, and he would make the decision whether a worker could respond. The officer said it is unlikely that contact or an interview would be granted.
Witness intimidation has been another factor in the investigation. Several witnesses have changed their story after contact with the FBI and other officials. News Director, Melissa Klinzing of Channel 4 in OKC spoke about the difficulties of interviewing witnesses, "we get there, and all of a sudden they've been told to shut up." The TV reporters found it almost impossible to conduct interviews with witnesses.
Originally, Michael Fortier had stated , "I do not believe that Tim (McVeigh) blew up any building in Oklahoma. There's nothing for me to look back on and say yeah, that might have been, I should have seen it back then - there's nothing like that, I know my friend. Tim McVeigh is not the face of terror as reported on (the cover of) Time Magazine." Journalist David Hoffman. But the government raided his home in Kingman, Arizona and afterward he changed his story, possibly due to a plea bargain offer.
Hoppy Heidelberg describes the FBI tactics used on Fortier. "They put 'tremendous pressure' on him. They brought pressure on him at his job in Kingman, Arizona, they were on him at his home. He was pressured twenty-four hours a day and he had no attorney. He's a kid and didn't realize the FBI had nothing on him. They didn't want to arrest him because if they did, they'd have to appoint a lawyer for him.
"The media has completely exaggerated his confession to casing the Federal Building with McVeigh. Fortier and McVeigh were driving through OKC on the way to Kansas and they passed by the Federal Building, it was something like that." (ibid).
Oklahoma State Representative, Charles Key is another who sees the contradiction between the "official account" and the facts in the case. "There's some reason they are covering this up" he said, citing the early reports of multiple bombs which quickly disappeared. In a letter to his constituents he said, "Those who dared oppose the REVISIONIST NEWS ACCOUNTS were ostracized, mocked, discredited, dark-cornered, etc. I know, I was one who dared to be politically incorrect.
"At some point it became painfully apparent that there was more wrong than right with the federal investigation. That is when I had a very tough decision to make. Should I sit and do nothing and remain in my comfort zone simply "playing the part" of the caring politician for the photo ops? Or should I really do the right thing even if it meant giving the phrase "politically incorrect" a whole new dimension. It didn't take long after discussing it with my wife to determine that I had to do the right thing no matter what the consequences were to be."
Representative Key realized that the truth was not coming out at the McVeigh trial, in fact much important evidence was being withheld, hidden and covered-up. After a legal battle that went to the State Court of Appeals, Representative Key has prevailed in his efforts to impanel a County Grand Jury to examine the critical evidence that the Federal investigators have refused to acknowledge or admit as evidence. In strong opposition to Key's efforts was the District Attorney, State Attorney General and Governor Keating. "They've fought us every step of the way," Key said.
A larger picture begins to take shape as background details are filled in . Suzanne Harris, a former law professor and current head of the "think tank" Law Loft, says, "we saw OKC coming. The signs can be recognized in what we read in the press and hear in the media. A significant amount of the information and disinformation will tell you if you understand how to read it, what's coming next. We knew in the middle of 1994 that there would be an explosive political or terrorist episode to buffalo the people into giving up their rights.
"What are the signs, what are the techniques used to create these episodes? We figured by the middle of 1994 that there would be an incident calculated to catapult the American people into a state of panic where they would give up their freedom in favor of tyranny. Early in 1995 we figured the likely 'bad guy' in the scenario would be the militia, based on the TV talk shows interviewing various militia groups; the Southern Poverty Law Center's efforts in sending out memoranda listing hate groups, listing militia groups, etc. This indicates the militia is calculated to be the likely target.
"Next in this kind of scenario that you see is the legislative base." It is the appropriately disguised, ironclad response to the contrived foe or menace. And "since most freedom is lost 'voluntarily' through legislation, there is a paper trail. And a significant part of that paper trail will appear in the public record. In February of 1995, out came the key, that is, the terrorism bill. That makes sense of why you would have a Waco episode, or why you would have an OKC episode.
"For those who say the militia did it, that's fine, but use a little logic. In basic criminology, who do you look at when you're looking for the culprit? Try the guy who benefits from it . And who benefits from OKC? - not the people, not the militia." Suzanne Harris.
Harris began the year 1995 by stating in interviews that "this would be the year of terrorism. This year the issue will be terrorism because the end goal is an international court of justice that will take away all criminal law jurisdiction under the guise that you can't fight terrorism without a new international court of justice. That's the end game."
Now let's talk about the immediate game. In February, 1995 President Clinton had introduced in the Senate, Bill 390. Senator Byden said in the Congressional Record that he was "introducing it because the President had commanded him to do it, but that he was severely troubled by it because of the use of secret tribunals and the loss of liberty that it represented ." Congressional Record, Feb. 10, 1995.
Harris has been comparing the proposed legislation to that of Nazi Germany's totalitarian system in the 1930's. "The one thing that is unique in Senate Bill 390 is that when you compare it to the comparable legislation in Germany, the U.S. bill is worse. On the face of the record, the protective custody order that was the operative document for most of the period from 1934-38 in Germany contained better guarantees of civil liberty than this bill that President Clinton has offered to the American people."
In October,1995, the President stated in a news conference, "It's been six months since the Oklahoma City bombing and they (Congress) still haven't passed the (anti-terrorism) bill." The thin veil of disguise thrown over the real object is becoming more and more transparent.
Supposing that McVeigh was truly guilty of the bombing in Oklahoma City, we have to take into consideration the man's training. Timothy McVeigh was honored and decorated by the United States Army for his outstanding performance during Operation Desert Storm. He was awarded the Bronze Star and the coveted Combat Infantry Badge. Why?...Because he blew up Iraqi tanks and gunned down the enemy. He saw the U.S. military ruthlessly destroy thousands of human lives, men, women, and children because they were called the "enemy". The greater the destruction and devastation one inflicts in battle, the greater the honor and accolades in return. Isn't that standard operating procedure in war?
When he returned to civilian life after his army discharge, he again found himself confronted by the enemy. The war had begun at Ruby Ridge and continued with devastating fury at Waco and his government had trained him well - in how to conduct himself in a state of war.
But if he indeed took up arms to fight the enemy now, in place of honor, he suddenly became a terrorist. The President was calling for the death penalty for this domestic terrorist.
President Clinton, though, has shown remarkable partiality in his attitudes toward the world's notable terrorists. While as Commander-in- Chief, he ordered a bombing strike in Iraq (terrorism), in his own country for the same offense he calls for the severest penalty against Timothy McVeigh. The President invited to the White House as an honored guest, Gerry Adams, whose Senn Fein branch of the terrorist Irish Republican Army is responsible for hundreds of deaths and received as a distinguished head of state, Yassar Arafat, the well known PLO leader whose background certainly involves terrorism.
If McVeigh indeed was involved in this bombing for the reason the U.S. has stated, how then could this ever be considered murder? It would have to be considered war, or at the very least revolutionary attacks. A recent letter to the editor in a news magazine makes a forceful point. "If the Oklahoma City bombing were indeed the result of frustration with, and reprisal for the unconstitutional excesses of government exemplified by the Waco massacre, then blame for this act of terrorism would be directly traceable to the door of those trusted public servants who thumbed their noses at the rights of the people."
While it is not the intent of this article to decide the guilt or innocence of Mr. McVeigh, neither is it the intent to justify any action, but if he is guilty, he must still be considered a product of the system - the system that indiscriminately destroys countless thousands of human lives in Iraq, Central America, Africa, the United States and beyond.
McVeigh's attorney, Steven Jones made a significant statement: "One day when you know what I know and what I have learned, and that day will come, YOU WILL NEVER AGAIN LOOK AT THE GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES IN THE SAME WAY." That day has arrived.
Written 6/2/97
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