Interessante Dokus und Reportagen:

dieStory: Nebenan der braune Sumpf
http://www.phoenix.de/nebenan_der_br...umpf/37123.htm

Do, 03.11.05, 20.15 Uhr

Fr, 04.11.05, 07.30 Uhr

Fr, 04.11.05, 14.00 Uhr

http://www.phoenix.de/fm/8/neonazis.jpg
Autonome Nazis in ihrem Wohngebiet (Autonom Nazis in their hometown.)

Part1:http://anonym.to/?http://rapidshare.de/files/4849101/wdr2005.part1.rar.html
Part2:http://anonym.to/?http://rapidshare.de/files/4849106/wdr2005.part2.rar.html
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Part7:http://anonym.to/?http://rapidshare.de/files/4849968/wdr2005.part7.rar.html

Password: RSHA

Interessante Dokus und Reportagen:

dieStory: Nebenan der braune Sumpf
http://www.phoenix.de/nebenan_der_br...umpf/37123.htm

Do, 03.11.05, 20.15 Uhr

Fr, 04.11.05, 07.30 Uhr

Fr, 04.11.05, 14.00 Uhr

A rough translation of the page at: http://www.phoenix.de/nebenan_der_br...umpf/37123.htm

Next door the brown marsh
Neo-Nazis, her fellow travelers and wire-pullers

Autonomous Nazis in her residential area - your model: SATURDAY (spring: PHOENIX/WDR/MIGRA film production)


Comradeships, autonomous nationalists and brown activists - between Cologne, Duisburg, food and Dortmund a new militant scene of neo-Nazis has developed. She wants to have to act with the march of the NPD in the parliaments a little. Their slogan is: " The street hears us " - and the most extreme among them see themselves as the " germ of new SATURDAY ".

The new neo-Nazis play with the ideology, are European and anti-imperialistic minded and appeal to new " anti-capitalism from the right ". With it they want to use the annoyance of many people about impoverishment and globalization. The idols of the new rights in the west: Hitler, Che Guevara, Cheerful Castro and Saddam Hussein. The neo-Nazis complain Dortmund as " our town " and justify with it power on open street.

Peter Schran and his camera team have dived about 1 half a year into the brown marsh in North Rhine-Westphalia, were on demonstrations and in the world of the sympathizers and wire-pullers. There has originated a film about a new parallel world: the neo-Nazi's network in the west of the republic.

It hurts my eye to see such a translation therefore i've taken the time and translated it myself.Nevertheless thank you for your effort Owain_Glyndwr.
Ok here it is:

Next door the brown marsh
Neo-nazis,their sympathizers and organizers

Free comradeships (=leaderless resistance),autonom nationalists(=something like a nazi ARA) and brown activitsts- between Cologne,Duisburg,Essen and Dortmund a new militant neonazi movement has emerged.They dont want to have anything to do with the parlamentary NPD.Their slogan is: "the streets belong to us"- and the extremists under them,see themselves as the "germ of a new SA".

The modern neo-nazis play with the ideology and are anti-imperialistic and pro-european and call for a "anti-capitalism from the right".With it they want to use the annoyance of many people about impoverishment and globalization.The idols of the right in the west: Hitler, Che Guevara, Fidel Castro und Saddam Hussein. They declare Dortmund as "their city" so to justify their open violence in the streets.

Peter Schran and his camera team have dived about half a year in the brown marsh of NRW,they have been on demonstrations and in the world of sympathizers and organizers.A film has originated about a new parallel world:
the neo-nazi network in the west of the republic.

Der Rebell

arte: Montag, 7. November 2005 um 23:35
http://www.arte-tv.com/de/woche/244,broadcastingNum=481037,day=3,week=45,year=2005.html

Er war Deutschlands meistgesuchter Neonazi und gleichzeitig Kämpfer der Palästinensischen Befreiungsfront sowie Informant des DDR-Staatssicherheitsdienstes. Er organisierte Terroranschläge auf amerikanische Truppen in Deutschland, trug zahllose falsche Namen und war jahrelang auf der Flucht. Der Dokumentarfilm präsentiert eine der unheimlichsten Biografien der bundesrepublikanischen Geschichte: die Geschichte des Odfried Hepp.

In den 70er Jahren erschüttert eine Welle von Terroranschlägen mit linksradikalem Hintergrund Europa. In Italien, Frankreich und Deutschland explodieren Bomben, werden Richter, Polizisten, Unternehmer und Politiker ermordet. In der Bundesrepublik stürzen linke Aktivisten der RAF den Staat in eine schwere Krise. Doch der europäische Terrorismus jener Zeit hat noch eine andere, unerzählte und fast vergessene Seite - den Terror von rechts. 1981 sterben in Bologna bei einem Anschlag rechter Terroristen 74 Menschen. In Rotterdam und Paris explodieren Bomben vor und in jüdischen Restaurants, Dutzende Menschen kommen ums Leben. In Deutschland sterben im Terrorjahr 1980/81 mehr Menschen durch die Hand rechtsextremer Täter als in allen Jahren von der RAF ermordet werden. Odfried Hepp hat sich über viele Jahre im Dunstkreis der Anschläge bewegt. Er kannte Attentäter in Italien und Frankreich, bekam Waffen aus Belgien und Hilfestellung aus England und baute eine gefährliche deutsche rechtsextreme Terrortruppe auf. Nach dem Vorbild der RAF verübte er Banküberfälle, Sprengstoffanschläge auf amerikanische Soldaten und plante den Tod Dutzender britischer Soldaten in der Festung Spandau. Er kämpfte in den 80er Jahren im Dienst des berüchtigten deutschen Neonazis Hoffmann in Beirut und arbeitete zugleich als Informant des Staatssicherheitsdienstes der DDR. 1985 wurde er in Paris verhaftet und saß 14 Jahre in französischen und deutschen Gefängnissen. Dort sagte er sich von der rechten Szene los und diente als Kronzeuge gegen ehemalige Gesinnungsgenossen. Heute lebt er im Verborgenen. Für den Dokumentarfilm "Der Rebell" war Odfried Hepp erstmals bereit, offen über seine Taten, seine Verbindungen und seine Wandlungen zu erzählen.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Translation:

The Rebel

He was once Germany's "most wanted" and at the same time a fighter for the Palestinian Liberation Front and an informant for the DDR(=east german communist state).He organized dozens of terror attacks on stationed american troops,carried countless false names and was for many years on the run.The documentary film presents one the most scary biographies of West German history: the story of Odfried Hepp.

In the 70's a wave of terrorist attacks of radically left-wing background shakes Europe.In Italy, France and Germany bombs explode, judges, policemen, entrepreneurs and politicians get murdered. In the Federal Republic left activists of the RAF(=Red Army Fraction) force the state into a heavy crisis.But the european terrorism of that time has still another, untold and nearly forgotten side - the terror from right.1981 in Bologna 74 people die after an attack of rightwing terrorits. In Rotterdam and Paris bombs explode in and infront of jewish restaurants,with dozens of people losing their life.In Germany more people die cause of rightwing terrorism,in the "year of terror" 1980/1981,then in all the years before the RAF managed to kill.Odfried Hepp was all these years active in the circle of the terrorists.He knew assassins in Italy and France, got weapons from Belgium and assistance from England and developed a dangerous german right-wing extremist terror troop. After the model of the RAF he committed bank assaults, bombing attacks on American soldiers and planned the death of dozen of British soldiers in the fortress Spandau.He fought in the 80's in the service of the notorious German neo-nazi Hoffman in Beirut and worked as an informant for the public security service of the DDR.1985 he was arrested in Paris and spend 14 years in French and German prisons.There he broke his tides with the right scene and served as a principal witness against former comrades. Today he lives in the hiding. For the documentary film "The Rebel" Odfried Hepp was for the first time ready, to openly discuss about his acts,his connections and his later on transformation.

Oh great — just what Germany needs: skins who heart "Che".

It hurts my eye to see such a translation therefore i've taken the time and translated it myself.Nevertheless thank you for your effort Owain_Glyndwr.
Ok here it is:

Next door the brown marsh
Neo-nazis,their sympathizers and organizers

Free comradeships (=leaderless resistance),autonom nationalists(=something like a nazi ARA) and brown activitsts- between Cologne,Duisburg,Essen and Dortmund a new militant neonazi movement has emerged.They dont want to have anything to do with the parlamentary NPD.Their slogan is: "the streets belong to us"- and the extremists under them,see themselves as the "germ of a new SA".

The modern neo-nazis play with the ideology and are anti-imperialistic and pro-european and call for a "anti-capitalism from the right".With it they want to use the annoyance of many people about impoverishment and globalization.The idols of the right in the west: Hitler, Che Guevara, Fidel Castro und Saddam Hussein. They declare Dortmund as "their city" so to justify their open violence in the streets.

Peter Schran and his camera team have dived about half a year in the brown marsh of NRW,they have been on demonstrations and in the world of sympathizers and organizers.A film has originated about a new parallel world:
the neo-nazi network in the west of the republic.

Che Guevarra was a successful revolutionary and wrote important analysis of popular rebellion movements which serious White nationalists should study. As I have. That he was a communist is well known and of little consequence to folks who can appreciate potential applications of his insights to the problem of White survival against globalism.

Che Guevarra was a successful revolutionary and wrote important analysis of popular rebellion movements which serious White nationalists should study. As I have. That he was a communist is well known and of little consequence to folks who can appreciate potential applications of his insights to the problem of White survival against globalism.

There are plenty of revolutionaries, or guerrilla fighters, from the right who can be studied; Boris Savinkov for example, or indeed, Odfried Hepp. They've latched onto "Che" because it's convenient. His book is hardly applicable to the terrain, population, or political situation of Germany; for that, Dach's Total Resistance is more suitable. These folks, who are violently "national", have no business touting "Che", as they have no business touting alleged sympathy for Iraqis and Palestinians — but it is done because they are desperate to break into a wider circle of acceptance. No one cares, though. No matter how many crocodiles tears are shed for Palestine by right-wingers, we are still right-wingers, and we will not gain ground or "win" by using left-wing heroes as propaganda.

I dont shed Crocodile tears for Palestine. You're talking for yourself there. Of course I am an American, but also I think lots of Germans are genuinely sympathetic to the Palestinian people.

I genuinely like most Arabs I have known in the US-- that is plenty-- and I look forward to the day when they erase the bandit state off the map. The Jews and Turks have pushed Arabs-- and Greeks-- and Balkan Slavics-- around for centuries. It's a long fight and the dirty Turk-Jew combine will get its comeuppance as the karmic wheel of justice turns.

Look at how the Arabs lived in the middle east for thousands of years-- a light footprint on the land. Compare that to the rapacious Turks or especially the Israelis who are sucking all the fresh water into their borders to water their citrus groves. "Oy vey ve haff turned ze desert green!" they say. Yes-- and what a useless and costly experiment that has been, funded by US taxpayers, at the expense of their neighbors' water rights. Moreover, the more indigenous agriculture of Palestine- not unlike elsewhere in the Mediterranean littoral-- is typically date and olive cultivation. However, Israelis are famous for ruining date and olive groves and harvests when those groves aren't owned by them.

As for "Che" he is well known due to the media promotion of him in the USA, and the fact that he was a Marxist. So they are taking a popular meme and turning it upside down. That has a certain power to it. The issue here is spreading certain ideas quickly and effectively. These other authors you speak of will fall on deaf ears outside of people I fear. The opportunity to teach lessons about subversion/countersubversion would be lost.

Finally, the "right" in Germany has a long tradition for recruiting reds such as Goebbels. I don't think that is over yet, and "Che" may be effective in that strategy.

Che Guevarra was a successful revolutionary and wrote important analysis of popular rebellion movements which serious White nationalists should study. As I have. That he was a communist is well known and of little consequence to folks who can appreciate potential applications of his insights to the problem of White survival against globalism.
I dont have anything to add to this.
As for "Che" he is well known due to the media promotion of him in the USA, and the fact that he was a Marxist. So they are taking a popular meme and turning it upside down. That has a certain power to it. The issue here is spreading certain ideas quickly and effectively. These other authors you speak of will fall on deaf ears outside of people I fear. The opportunity to teach lessons about subversion/countersubversion would be lost.

Finally, the "right" in Germany has a long tradition for recruiting reds such as Goebbels. I don't think that is over yet, and "Che" may be effective in that strategy.
Exactly.
A sidenote about this: It comes at no big suprise to us that former RAF members are nowadays activists in the german neo-nazi movement.
I've said it before and i will say it again: Politics is like a circle.The two ends,the extreme Left and the extreme Right,meet eachother at some point.I will quote Goebbels: "We are so far on the Left that we become far Right again".
We national socialists here in Germany see ourselves as both: extreme right and extreme left at the same time.Our enemies are the reactionery Right and the reactionery Left.

Well, I can't win this one.

I dont shed Crocodile tears for Palestine. You're talking for yourself there.

No. I was talking for German right-wing youth — the people under discussion. I apologize for slipping into "we", there, but obviously I was not speaking for you.

Of course I am an American, but also I think lots of Germans are genuinely sympathetic to the Palestinian people.

I am sure they are. Unfortunately, the right-wingers are not; it is the same measly propaganda ploy as with Stormfront and NV people. I just don't understand why I can't make this point without people automatically going against it. No one stops to consider that it may really just be an ill-advised ploy to, as I said, "fit in" with a larger crowd. Everyone takes it as a personal attack, because God forbid, white nationalists of any kind have some bad ideas.


So they are taking a popular meme and turning it upside down. That has a certain power to it.

Theoretically yes; my point is simply that it is only theoretical — I have studied the right-wing movement of Germany in depth, and I have not yet encountered, or even heard of, one single average German who has been lured into it by some shoddy placards with Palestine, Iraq, or Che written on them, held up at a rally by a Glatzkopf. On the contrary — the numbers are consistent: the leftists, usually hippies and suchlike, outnumber the rightists 3:1 or more. I am making an objectively verifiable point, here: sucking up to Palestinians or to Commies has gained them nothing but articles saying they are sucking up to Palestinians and Commies. Maybe one or two kids are attracted by it, but in the main, it is a fruitless endeavour. Leftist upbringing - years of Jewish lies - is not so weak that a right-winger wearing a Che shirt will totally confuse the average German psyche. And I should mention that I have never seen a right-winger wearing such a shirt, nor holding such a placard, nor anything else involving "Che"; though I've seen plenty of Palestine/Iraq nonsense. It's really pathetic, as is the whole approach of the upper crust of German resistance, revolving around a victim ideal, namely Dresden. Everyone is on board the Victim Wagon, praise Judah.

Of course, the names I could drop will always fall on deaf ears, but only because when a popular meme gets going, nothing at all can stop it. The unfortunate thing, as I am saying, is that right-wingers are so desperate that a miserable red turncoat like "Che" has suddenly, according to that article, become acceptable to them, instead of more appropriate models. I assert that this is mere desperation, and has no strategical value — as with so much of what we do.

the "right" in Germany has a long tradition for recruiting reds such as Goebbels.

Even dead ones??

A sidenote about this: It comes at no big suprise to us that former RAF members are nowadays activists in the german neo-nazi movement.

This however is new to me. Care to elaborate?

This however is new to me. Care to elaborate?
You have "studied the right-wing movement of Germany in depth" and have never heard of Horst Mahler?

On the rest of your comments,even if they are addressed to Antiochus Epiphanes i have to state the following:

1.we dont do the things we do out of convinience but because we truly believe in them!
2.not all of us are "Glatzköpfe",i'm not, and the number of those who are is decreasing.
3.if the open support for the palestinian struggle and "che",presentates us as anti-imperialists to the public and "forces" the Antifa to show up on our rallies with USA and Israel flags then we have already won another moral ground.
4.Indeed not only many rank and file but even neonazi "leaders" have shown up on demos with "che guevara" t-shirts from time to time.

You seem to me a bit confused and you havent catched up with the german movement of the last 3-4 years,otherwise you would know better.

Not responding to this. You have no reason to be such a little asshole. But for the record, I thought of "Royal Air Force" when I saw RAF, not Red Army Faction. My mind is more attuned to the Angloid world: excuse the fuck out of me, punk.

You have "studied the right-wing movement of Germany in depth" and have never heard of Horst Mahler?

On the rest of your comments,even if they are addressed to Antiochus Epiphanes i have to state the following:

1.we dont do the things we do out of convinience but because we truly believe in them!
2.not all of us are "Glatzköpfe",i'm not, and the number of those who are is decreasing.
3.if the open support for the palestinian struggle and "che",presentates us as anti-imperialists to the public and "forces" the Antifa to show up on our rallies with USA and Israel flags then we have already won another moral ground.
4.Indeed not only many rank and file but even neonazi "leaders" have shown up on demos with "che guevara" t-shirts from time to time.

You seem to me a bit confused and you havent catched up with the german movement of the last 3-4 years,otherwise you would know better.

Not responding to this. You have no reason to be such a little asshole. But for the record, I thought of "Royal Air Force" when I saw RAF, not Red Army Faction. My mind is more attuned to the Angloid world: excuse the fuck out of me, punk.
ROFL! whatever.

Now to something more important.I have posted the links for the download.You will need winrar or something of the like to unzip the files.When asked for the password type in the one i've posted.You first need all 7 parts of it so to be able to unzip them.If you have a modem connection dont bother.If you have dsl or higher go for it.Enjoy.

Rechtsextremismus
Lexi TV im MDR Fernsehen. Am 08.11.2005 um 14:30 Uhr
http://www.lexi-tv.de/die_sendung/sendung.asp?InhaltID=3435

Er gilt weitgehend als gesellschaftliches Randphänomen. Berichte über glatzköpfige, kaum artikulierungsfähige junge Männer erwecken den Eindruck eines abgegrenzten Lebens- bereichs. Doch rechtsextremes Gedankengut dringt in den Kernbereich der Gesellschaft ein - auch weil Propaganda aus der rechten Ecke zuweilen gleichgültig hingenommen wird. LexiTV auf den Spuren einer bedenklichen Entwicklung...

Moderatorin Victoria Herrmann begrüßt als Studiogast Bernd Merbitz, leitender Kriminaldirektor der Polizeidirektion West- sachsen. Merbitz berichtet über das Phänomen Rechtsextre- mismus und seine Anziehungskraft auf Jugendliche. Dabei geht es auch um Tendenzen der rechten Öffentlichkeitsarbeit und Möglichkeiten der präventiven Gegensteuerung.

Außerdem bei LexiTV: Mein Kind im braunen Sumpf - was tun? Nach Hitler - radikale Rechte rüsten auf. Und: Frauen in der rechtsextremen Szene - zwei Portraits.

Translation:

Right wing extremism

It is considered to a large extent as social edge phenomenon.Reports on bold,hardly articulatable young men arouse the impression of a segegrated way of life.But extreme right-wing ideas increasinly penetrate into the mainstream of society - due in part to the indifferent society who accepts them. LexiTV on the traces of a dangerous development...

Host Victoria welcomes as a guest Bernd Merbitz, leading criminaldirector of the police headquarters of west Saxonia. Merbitz reports on the phenomenon of right wing extremism and its attraction on young people.He also reports on the tendencies of the rightwing public work and possibilities of the preventive measures by the state.

In addition with LexiTV: My child in the brown marsh - what to do? After Hitler - radical rights rise again. And: Women in the right-wing extremist scene - two Portraits.

Mahler's connected to the NPD, so I don't exactly see why these so-called Nazi anarchists are against them. They use the Reich flag (I'd say pledging nominal allegiance to a flag different from that of one's country is pretty radical.)

To us radical neo-nazis the NPD is too moderate.They are not nationalist enough and not socialist enough for our liking.The NPD seeks to make alliances with other "right wing" political Parties.They did it with the reactionery DVU and now try the same thing with the almost "conservative" Republikaner.To appease these new "allies" they are watering down the message and the propaganda.Thereby they are alienating us radical neo-nazis.The NPD should breake all alliances with reactionery Parties and organisations and ally only with us radicals.
For the moment we support the NPD in german regions and provinces where they put "radicals" on the election lists.In regions where the NPD goes for the "reactionery" candidates we dont support the Party.

Bloody hell you Germans like it radical. You'd shit a brick if you saw what the BNP are trying to do to racial nationalism.

What are you planning to do when the World Cup starts on your patch?

Bloody hell you Germans like it radical. You'd shit a brick if you saw what the BNP are trying to do to racial nationalism.

What are you planning to do when the World Cup starts on your patch?
You cant seriously believe that i answer this question of yours.The german state has sent informants to the right scene here in Germany over the last 5 months asking exactly the same qestion.

About radicality: well i have to be fair.We Germans have had the "real thing" and every nationalist party since 1945 will be compared to the "original",not only by the system but also by the neo-nazis.
Unfortunately not only the "original" is forbidden by our democratic Germany but also new parties that resemble the "original" in any kind.They even tried to outlaw the NPD.Which was defended successfully in court by the above-mentioned Horst Mahler.So we more "radical" and "extreme" neo-nazis are kind of stuck with the NPD.

You take me too literally. I mean, what can we expect to happen in Germany in general during the World Cup? English hooligans, for example, are not politically aligned, but one can expect them to kick the shit out of something.

The police in Germany is not stupid.They know about the "dangers" of the world cup of 2006 and are taking precautions.The political establishment has given direct and clear orders to the authorities: "we cant allow under any circumstances that Germany gets bad international press".I dont believe much will happen.But as France has shown the authorities cant control everything and there is always the chance of escalation.

Lauter nette Leute

Wie die Rechten in Sachsen angekommen sind
http://www.wdr.de/tv/diestory/051121.phtml

WDR: 21.11.2005 um 22.30 - 23.15 Uhr
WDR: Mittwoch, 10.00 Uhr

Lauter nette Leute in Sachsen: Die neuen Rechten geben sich bürgerlich und volksnah. Keine Glatzen, keine Springerstiefel - sondern adrette Nachbarn mit populistischen Parolen. Das macht etwa die NPD so attraktiv für das Wahlvolk. "Rechts sein" ist wieder gesellschaftsfähig. Dahinter steckt eine Strategie, die allzu lange von der Politik nicht ernst genommen wurde. Es war ein langer Marsch durch die Institutionen, der über die Kommunalparlamente in den sächsischen Landtag geführt hat.

Doch wie nett sind die netten Leute von Sachsen wirklich? Bislang unveröffentlichte Dokumente beweisen Verflechtungen von NPD-Politikern mit Rechtsradikalen, die Ausländer und Linke in Sachsen bedrohen und verprügeln. Der Film beweist: Es gab gemeinsame Strategie-Treffen, rechtsradikale Schlägertrupps übernahmen Saalschutzaufgaben für die NPD, Rechtsradikale klebten NPD-Plakate im Bundestagswahlkampf. Mitten aus kommunalen Parlamenten und dem sächsischen Landtag heraus wird der Rechtsradikalismus auf Sachsens Straßen organisiert.

Der Film zeigt auch die Opfer brutaler Skinhead-Überfälle und geht den Ursachen nach, warum die Rechten gerade in Sachsen so stark geworden sind. Es ist eine Geschichte von jahrelangem Wegschauen im Alltag und dem Versagen von Politik und Behörden.

Translation:

All nice people

How the extreme right reached Saxony

All nice people in Saxony these days: the new rightist present themselves as civil and caring citizens.No bold heads,no doc-martens -but adrette neighbours with populist views. That for instance makes the NPD so attractive to people.To "be right" has become mainstream again.Behind all this lies a strategy which was not taken seriously by the establishment for a long time. It was a long march through the institutions, which first marched through the local parliaments and then into the Saxonian federal state parliament.

But how nice are these people of Saxonia really?So far unpublished documents prove the cooperation of NPD politicians with right-wing extremists, who threaten and beat up foreigners and leftists in Saxonia.The film proves: There were common strategy meetings, militant right-wing extremists troops took over tasks of hall protection for the NPD, right-wing extremist promoted the NPD propaganda for the Bundestag election.The right-wing radicalism on Saxony's streets gets organized right through the local parliaments and the Saxonian federal state parliament.

The film also shows the victims of brutal skinhead assaults and searches for the causes, to why the rightists became so strong in Saxony.It is a history of indifference shown many years in the everyday life and the failure of the political establishment and the authorities.

Danke für die infos alex. Keep up the great work! ;)

Und weiter gehts ;)

Diesmal was witziges.

Einsatz für die Supernanny

Rosemarie P. (49) ist Mutter von drei Kindern. Ihre zwei Älteren wohnen nicht mehr bei ihr. Nur Sohn Danny (16) teilt mit seiner Mutter und deren Partner Bernd (43) noch die gemeinsame Wohnung. Doch mittlerweile wäre Rosemarie froh, wenn auch Danny nicht mehr bei ihr wohnen würde, denn ihr Jüngster bereitet ihr nur noch Kummer. Danny verkehrt in Kreisen, die Rosemarie und Bernd nicht billigen. Darunter gehört eine Clique, die sich in der rechten Szene bewegt. Nachmittags sitzt Danny mit seinen Kumpels auf dem Spielplatz, raucht, trinkt Bier und grölt ausländerfeindliche Parolen. Allerdings hat der Junge auch Freunde in der Punk-Szene. Rosemarie ist überzeugt, dass Danny kein überzeugter Neo-Nazi ist, sondern eher Mitläufer, der sich nach der Mehrheit richtet. Und die ist in Frankfurt an der Oder eher rechts. Dennoch macht sie sich Sorgen um den Jungen. Auch seine regelmäßigen Diebstähle ...

...... und Lügengeschichten beunruhigen sie sehr. Bernd hat seinen Stiefsohn mittlerweile schon aufgegeben: 'Ich hasse Danny und das gebe ich offen zu', sagt er, und prophezeit dem Fünfzehnjährigen eine Zukunft im Knast, wenn das so weitergeht. Danny traut sich nicht, sich gegen Bernd aufzulehnen, dafür lässt er seinen Wutausbrüchen Rosemarie gegenüber freien Lauf. Hilfe muss her und die kommt in Gestalt der Super Nanny.

http://www.rtl.de/ea/tvplaner/content/detail.php?id=100&event=pid192393

Mittwoch 18.01.2006 20.15 RTL


Translation:

now something funny for tonight(at 20:15 on RTL).So grab your chips and coke and enjoy:

The Super Nanny

Rosemarie P. (49) is a mother of three children.Her two older ones have left home and no longer live with her.Only son Danny (16) shares the appartment with her and his stepfather Bernd (43).

But Rosemarie would be glad now if Danny would no longer live with them,cause her youngster only brings her grief.
Danny operates in circles,Rosemarie and Bernd dont approve of.Among these circles is one which clearly belongs to the extreme-right scene.At the afternoons Danny and his buddys hang around at the local playground.he smokes,drinks beer and shouts anti-immigrant slogans.

However Danny has also friends in the punk scene.Rosemarie is convinced that Danny is no convinced neo-nazi but only one who adjusts to the popular beliefs of the majority.And the mainstream in Frankfurt an der Oder has become extreme-right.She anyway has great concerns about her boy.

His regular stealings and his constant lies also concern her greatly.Bernd has already given up on his stepson: "I hate Danny and i publicly say so", he says and he profecises to the fifteen-year old a life in jail if he keeps on going that way.Danny doesnt dare confront his stepfather and releases his anger at his mother Rosemarie.

Help is needed and help comes in the form of the Super Nanny!

Skinhead Attitude

Dokumentarfilm von Daniel Schweizer, Schweiz 2003
Länge: 89 Minuten

Überall in Europa haben sich Skinheads als eine rebellische, gewalttätige, oft extremistische Jugendbewegung durchgesetzt. Doch wer erinnert sich daran, dass die Skinhead-Bewegung ihre Wurzeln in der Jugendbewegung der 1960er Jahre hat und dass die Skins ursprünglich weder politisiert noch rassistisch waren? Wem ist bewusst, dass es zu Beginn nahezu gleich viele schwarze Skins gab wie weiße? Wer weiß noch, dass ein jamaikanischer Musiker das Wort "Skinhead" geprägt, ein Lied mit diesem Titel komponiert und in London die Mode der kahl geschorenen Schädel aufgebracht hat? Damals hörten sie Reggae und Ska - einen Musikstil, der vom Wesen her schwarz und weiß gleichzeitig ist. Sie stammten ausder "Working Class" und vertraten die Werte der Arbeiterbewegung. 15 Jahre später konnten die Neonazis einen großen Teil dieser Bewegung für sich gewinnen. Wie steht es heute mit den Skins?

"Skinhead Attitude" ist die erste Darstellung der 40-jährigen Geschichte der Skinhead-Bewegung von ihren linksradikalen Anfängen bis zu ihrer rechtsradikalen Ausrichtung. Der Dokumentarfilm von Daniel Schweizer schildert auch die jüngsten Umwandlungs- und Radikalisierungsprozesse dieser Jugend-Subkultur. Karole, ein antirassistisches Skinhead-Girl von heute, begleitet die Zuschauer von England über Deutschland, Schweden und Kanada bis in die USA und hilft, die Geschichte der Skinhead-Bewegung zu entdecken.


Sonntag, den 12.02.2006 21:15 Uhr 3sat

http://www.3sat.de/programm_titel.php3?url=http://pressetreff.3sat.de/pd/Sendung.asp?ID='BDAF60E76F31E102'

Translation:

Skinhead Attitude

Documentary by Daniel Schweizer, Swiss 2003

Everywhere in Europe skinheads prevailed as a rebellious,violent,often extremistic youth movement.But who remembers that the skinhead movement has its roots in the youth movementof the 1960's and that the skins were originally neither political nor racist?Who is conscious to the fact that at the beginning there were as many black as white skins?Who knows still that a Jamaican musician coined/shaped the word "skinhead", composed a song with this title,which resulted to the fashion of the bald heads in London?At that time they listened to Reggae and Ska - a music style,which is from its nature both black and white.They belonged to the "Working Class" and represented the values of the workers' movement.15 years later the neo-nazis could win a large part of this movement over.Whats the stand ofthe skins today?

"Skinhead attitude" is the first representation of the 40 year old history of the skinheadmovement,from their radically left-wing beginnings to its right-wing extremist adjustment.
The documentary film of Daniel Swiss also describes the recent transformation and radicalization processes of this youth subculture.Karole,a anti-racist skinhead girl from today,accompanies the viewer from England over Germany, Sweden and Canada into the USA and helps to discover the history of the skinhead movement.

Krisenkinder

Oft dauert es eine Weile, bis die Eltern merken, was los ist: Wenn der Spross ausländerfeindliche Sprüche klopft, wenn er rechte Musik hört, wenn die Haare immer kürzer werden. Jugendliche, die sich der rechten Szene zuwenden, kommen auch aus ganz normalen Familien.

Familie K. lebt in einem kleinen Ort in Niedersachsen. Der Vater ist Angestellter, die Mutter Steuergehilfin. Alle drei Kinder sind getauft und konfirmiert, und früher engagierte sich die Familie auch in der Kirchengemeinde. Seit einiger Zeit aber meidet sie Gemeindefeste und Geselligkeiten. Ihr jüngster Sohn Markus hat sich einer rechtsradikalen Gruppe angeschlossen und trägt seine Gesinnung demonstrativ zur Schau.

Die Wurzenerin Silke B. hat drei Kinder allein groß gezogen. Bislang hatte sie das nie als Problem empfunden. Nun bekommt sie mit ihrem jüngsten Sohn Patrick immer öfter Streit. Aus dem Zimmer des 15Jährigen dröhnen Hasslieder und seine Ansichten über Ausländer, Alternative und Andersdenkende klingen brutal. Seine Nazi-Klamotten hat Silke B. einkassiert und in heftigen Diskussionen versucht sie, ihn von der Engstirnigkeit seiner Ansichten zu überzeugen. Ihre größte Angst ist, dass sich Patrick zu Gewalttaten verleiten lässt.

Beide Familien standen den Veränderungen ihrer Kinder hilflos gegenüber. Sie schämten sich vor den Nachbarn, suchten den Fehler bei sich und empfanden großes Unbehagen angesichts der martialisch auftretenden Kameraden ihrer Kinder. Beide Familien suchten schließlich Hilfe: in der Schule, beim Jugendamt, sogar bei der Polizei. Familie K. hat mittlerweile Unterstützung bei der Braunschweiger Beratungsstelle ARUG (Arbeitsstelle gegen Rechtsextremismus und Gewalt) gefunden. Das hat die häusliche Situation entspannt. Silke B.

Samstag, 11.02.06 18:02 Uhr RBB
Sonntag, 12.02.06 21:45 Uhr Phoenix

Translation:

Crisis-children

Often it takes a while,until parents notice,whats wrong: When the young says anti-immigrant slogans,when he listens to extreme right music,when the hair becomes ever shorter.Young people who turn to the right scene come often from completely normal families.

Family K. lives in a small town in Niedersachsen (west-Germany), the father is
a employee,the mother a tax aid.All three children are baptized and in former
years the family was very engaged in the church community.However,for some timenow the family avoids the community celebrations and social gatherings.
The youngest son Markus became a member of a right-wing extremist group and demonstratively shows his convictions to the public.

Silke B. from Wurzen (Saxony,east-Germany) raised her three children all alone.So far she never felt that was a problem.Now however she frequentely quarrels with her youngest son Patrick.Loud hate songs come out of the 15 year olds room and his opinions over foreigners and alternative,left-wing people sound brutal.
Silke B. took away his nazi-clothes and tries,in often violent discussions,to
convince him of the narrow-mindedness of his opinions.Her biggest fear is that Patrick might let himself be tempted to acts of violence.

Both families helplessly saw the transformation of their children.They were
ashamed in front of their neighbours,looked for the error in themselves, and
felt large uneasiness in view of the militant stand of the comrades of their
children.Both families looked for help and assistance: in the school,at the
state youth welfare,even at the police.
Family K. finally found support in the Braunschweiger advisory board ARUG
(state office against right-wing extremism and violence).That did somehow
eased the home atmosphere.

It becomes obvious that we have an ever increasing influence over the German youth.
Day by day we become stronger.

To the parents and to the system i say:Keep your dirty hands off the German youth! You had your chance and did blow it.The German youth is ours!
What are you?
You are a thing of the present and of the past.Sooner or later (hopefully sooner then later) you are simply going to die off.
And we?
We are the future.

Dies könnte evtl. ein interessanter Bericht werden. Also Donnerstag Abend unbedingt frei halten ;)

ARD
Donnerstag, 01.02.07 | 23:45 Uhr

Die Nationale Front

Neonazis in der DDR

Film von Andreas K. Richter und Tom Franke

Oktober 1987. Überfall auf die Ostberliner Zionskirche. Die Westberliner Band „Element of Crime“ gibt ein Konzert. Danach kommen Skinheads auf das Gelände, versuchen das Gotteshaus zu stürmen, schlagen auf junge Frauen und Männer ein. „Juden raus aus deutschen Kirchen!“, „Kommunistenschweine!“ und „Sieg heil!“ brüllen die „Glatzen“. Der RIAS meldet: „Neonazis in der DDR.“

Die sozialistische Presse ignoriert zunächst den Vorfall, verharmlost ihn später und schiebt alles auf westliche Einflüsse. Mit dieser Propaganda kommen Partei- und Staatsführung nicht weit. Längst werden Fragen laut. Warum sind am Abend des Übergriffes weder Staatssicherheit noch Volkspolizei eingeschritten? Wieso konnte dieser Gewaltausbruch überhaupt geschehen?
Der Prozess gegen die Angreifer auf die Zionskirche fördert neue Ungereimtheiten zutage. Die DDR weigert sich als „antifaschistischer Staat“, die wahren Ursachen rechtsradikaler Erscheinungen zu hinterfragen. Weil nicht sein kann, was nicht sein darf.

Der Film blickt zurück bis in die Anfänge der DDR. Wie wurde mit deutscher Vergangenheit, mit Faschismus in den vierzig Jahren der SED-Diktatur umgegangen?

In den frühen 80er Jahren bildeten sich verschiedene subkulturelle Strömungen unter Jugendlichen heraus, die in klarer Opposition zum sozialistischen Staat standen. Waren es anfänglich eher linke Gruppierungen, wie Punks, gründeten Jugendliche Mitte der 80er Jahre ihre oppositionelle Haltung zunehmend auf Nationalismus. Diese Haltung war für viele Jugendliche die stärkste Form der Opposition gegenüber den Machthabern. Ob nun selbst reflektiert oder eher aus Mitläufertum, die rechten Skinheads machten Ende der 80er Jahre aus ihrer politischen Anschauung keinen Hehl. Die DDR ignorierte die innenpolitische Situation.

In der Dokumentation von Andreas K. Richter und Tom Franke kommen Konzertbesucher, Historiker, Kirchenvertreter und Täter des Überfalls auf die Zionskirche zu Wort .

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

ARD documentary about neonazis in the GDR (former communist east Germany) .

The National Front

October 1987.A raid on the Zion-church of east Berlin. The west-Berlin band „Element of Crime“ was giving a concert. Suddenly skinheads enter the property ,try to storm the church ,beat up young women and men. The skins shout slogans like "Jews out of German churches" ,"commie pigs" and "Sieg Heil". The RIAS reports: "Neonazis in the GDR!".

At first the socialist press ignores the incident ,then tries to play it down and in the end lays the blame on western influence. The establishment doesnt get away with that kind of propaganda. Questions are being asked out loud now. Why didnt the police interfere on the night the incident took place? How could such an act of violence happen in the first place?
The legal proceeding against the perpetrators opens up new questions. The GDR as an "antifascist state" refuses to question the true reasons behind the emergence of right wing ideology amongst its youth.

The documentary goes back into the history of the GDR. How did the SED-dictaroship deal with the german past and fascism in its 40 years of existance?

Various youth-subcultures began emerging in the early 80's who all stood in opposition to the establishment. At fist rather liberal and left groups ,like the Punks ,but later on more and more of the youth organized in nationalist groups. Nationalism was seen by the youth as the strongest force against the establishment. The GDR ignored the domestical situation.

Dies könnte evtl. ein interessanter Bericht werden. Also Donnerstag Abend unbedingt frei halten ;)


Lief vor einem Monat als erstausstrahlung schonmal auf dem rundfunk berlin brandenburg (rbb). Nichts wirklich neues, hätte mir mehr versprochen.

Schade eigentlich. Naja ich werd mir die Doku trotzdem mal reinziehen. Passend zum Thema ein etwas älterer Artikel der Trotzkyisten :

13 September 2000

Is xenophobia a legacy of Stalinist-ruled East Germany?

By Peter Schwarz

Widespread hostility and violent attacks on foreigners in the east of Germany have given new impetus to discussions concerning whether this phenomenon is exclusively a consequence of German reunification in 1990 or whether its roots go back to Stalinist-ruled East Germany (the German Democratic Republic—GDR).

A recent paper entitled “The historical causes of xenophobia in the former East Germany” (http://www.zzf-pdm.de/papers/thesp.html), published by the Centre for Contemporary Historical Research in Potsdam, comes down clearly in favour of the second view. The authors—Jan C Behrends, Dennis Kuck and Patrice G. Poutrus—attribute the causes of xenophobia to two facts: the treatment and perception of “strangers” in the GDR and the SED (Socialist Unity Party—the Stalinist state party) regime's adherence to a nationalist world outlook.

One of their central theses reads: “in contrast to the Federal Republic (West Germany) there was no public depreciation of nationalist world views in the GDR—the German nation remained a central mental point of reference for the regime and the population. The socialist nation is thereby imagined tendentially as a closed society, to whose resources 'strangers' ('class enemies' or foreigners) should have no access.”

The paper has unleashed virulent protests, particularly in the periphery of the Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS - the successor organisation to the SED). A typical contribution is that of Thomas Ahbe in the weekly paper Freitag, who writes, “Sufficient reasons for right-wing extremism in the East can be found in the last ten years”. Ahbe equates the Potsdam theses, according to which the causes for today's right-wing extremism lie in the GDR, with SED propaganda, according to which the workers' rebellion of June 17, 1953 was a “fascist putsch”. In both cases the message reads: “these are not 'our' errors, it is not 'our proven system' from which the momentary difficulties arise, but the evil forces of the past.”

This contrasting of historical and current causes obviously does not take things any further. It is unmistakable—and the Potsdam historians do not deny this—that the social decline and disorientation of broad social layers created fruitful ground for right-wing extremism after reunification. The government's official hostility towards foreigners was undoubtedly a contributing factor—one need only consider the treatment of Vietnamese contract workers after unification or restrictions on the right to asylum in reaction to the Rostock pogrom in 1992. It is also beyond doubt that there are similar tendencies in western Germany, although to a smaller extent.

But all this does not answer the question, why anti-foreigner and nationalist slogans find such a resonance in relatively broad sections of the eastern German population. This question arises all the more urgently when one considers that “anti-fascism” and “proletarian internationalism” formed the basic pillars of official GDR ideology for forty years, were taught in all its schools and provided the grounds for numerous public celebrations. If it has left so few traces, then the evident conclusion is that there was something fundamentally rotten about this official “anti-fascism” and “internationalism”.

One cannot evade clarifying this question with the statement that the search for the causes of xenophobia in the old society diverts attention from the causes in today's, as asserted by Ahbe. Especially if one advocates a socialist alternative to today's society, it is essential to critically assess the experiences of the GDR and draw lessons from it.

Nationalism in the GDR

The authors of the Potsdam theses touch on a sore point when they state, “a devaluation of nationalist ideas did not take place in the GDR “. They write, “the propaganda that served to legitimise the rule of the SED in the 1950s continued the older pattern of national legitimisation without the slightest misgivings. Judged by its rhetoric, the GDR understood itself as the true representative of the German nation: socialist content in national form.”

Like a red thread, an unconcealed nationalism runs through the history of the GDR, and is particularly glaring in the years surrounding the country's foundation in 1949.

The “National Committee for Free Germany”, created in 1943 under the leadership of Walter Ulbricht, which was responsible for Soviet propaganda in Germany, did not appeal to the internationalism of the workers' movement, but, as the name implies, to German nationalism. This went so far that its banner did not employ the republican colours of black, red and gold, but rather the old imperial colours of black, red and white.

As long as Stalin entertained the hope of a neutralized Germany, outside the direct control of the Western powers, the German Stalinists were the dedicated advocates of a united German nation. The more the Cold War developed, the more hysterical their nationalism became. It was not limited to political questions; in the cultural arena the SED sang the praises of the nation in a way that embarrassingly brought to mind the cultural policy of the Nazis.

As an example we quote from a speech given by the GDR's first prime minister in 1950 at the founding of the German Academy of the Arts. “If a really great and exalted national art is to unfold,” announced Otto Grotewohl, “the unity of our nation must be restored. That is not in contrast to the world. Quite the opposite, the greater value a work of art has for the entire world, for the whole of mankind, the deeper its roots are buried in the soil of the nation; the more international its significance, the more national are its characteristics, its origin and its form.”

For those who still had not understood, he added: “The despairing flight of German artists into cosmopolitan trains of thought, into a falsely understood world citizenship, into the abandonment of national peculiarities is not a way out, but only weakens the will to live of one's own people and makes it unable to fulfil its national tasks.”

The opening up of the SED to former NSDAP (Nazi party) members went hand in hand with this nationalist propaganda. In 1949 the National Front was created, uniting members of all parties and mass organizations under the control of the SED. It declared American imperialism, which had “taken up the inheritance of Hitler fascism in the fight for world domination”, to be the exclusive enemy and on this basis invited collaboration from “former officials, soldier, officers and generals of the Wehrmacht (the German armed forces) as well as former Nazis...What is decisive is the point of view of each German in the great national liberation struggle of the German people and not their earlier organizational affiliations.”

The National Democratic Party of Germany (NDPD) was created by the SED expressly to accommodate former Nazis. But the NDPD soon complained that the SED was enticing away too many “former ones” (ex-Nazis). At the start of the 1950s the SED counted over 100,000 former NSDAP members in its ranks, the substantially smaller NDPD had only some 4,000. Ex-members of the NSDAP made up almost 9 per cent of the SED membership. If former members of other Nazi organisations and the Hitler Youth are included, the figure rises to 25 percent. On the other hand, the proportion of old Social Democrats and Communist Party members was only 16 percent, due to the constant purges.

One can easily grasp the effect this regrouping of the membership must have had on the public climate in connection with direct nationalist propaganda.

It was only in the 1960s and ‘70s that “proletarian internationalism” took a more prominent place in the SED's propaganda. But this remained, as the Potsdam paper correctly points out, always indissolubly linked to the likewise officially publicised doctrine of “socialist patriotism”. Official “internationalism” was limited to staged rituals, with whose assistance support was mobilized for the state's foreign policy, while “journeys and actual contact with foreign countries and their culture remained the privilege of a small elite of party faithful”.

The history of the GDR continued to be interpreted in national terms. The only difference was that now, in line with the policy of detente, in place of one German nation there were two: one socialist and one capitalist. In an article on the anniversary of the establishment of the GDR, which was published in the paper Einheit in 1979 under the title “The Birth and Flourishing of the Socialist German Nation”, one could read that the GDR was increasingly developing into a “genuine national community” in which “socialist German national consciousness” was consolidated and “the term 'German'“ gained a “richer content” by the fusion of the Ethnos (people) with socialism.

In the last decade of its existence, the GDR experienced a renaissance of those Prussian traditions and virtues that in its early years the German workers' movement had bitterly fought. The religious reformer Martin Luther, Prussia's King Friedrich the Great and the “Iron Chancellor” Otto von Bismarck were discovered as national symbols. The reactionary philosophers Friedrich Nietzsche and Martin Heidegger were given a new reputation.

“Strangers” in the GDR

It was almost automatic that in such an ideological climate prejudices flowered against “strangers”—both foreigners and dissenters. The Potsdam authors point out that there was no such thing as “normal” foreigners in the GDR. One could not enter the country without an invitation and a visa. The population had almost no contact with people of other countries or cultures.

Altogether the number of foreigners living in the GDR was extremely small, just 190,000 in a population of about 17 million. These were predominantly Soviet soldiers, who lived in barracks where they were subject to strict discipline and therefore had only limited contact with the German population, and contract workers who existed under almost slave-like conditions. If, for example, a female Vietnamese contract worker became pregnant, she had to return immediately to Vietnam.

The Potsdam theses add: “Their legal position was always precarious. There was no legally enforceable right of residency; rather the authorities could behave towards foreigners like ‘lords of the manor'. Political emigrants did not have any legal claim to asylum; their stay in the GDR depended on political loyalty to the SED. To keep things quiet politically, they were scattered all over the GDR and thereby isolated to a large extent.”

Additional prejudices were fuelled, according to the Potsdam paper, when “the population, particularly in the 1950s, but also later, were constantly called upon to display 'watchfulness' towards 'strangers'. In the lexicon of SED propaganda, 'strangers' might be ‘hostile agents, troublemakers and saboteurs', whom one could not trust.”

When workers' protests shook the regime in Poland at the beginning of the 1980s, the SED started an anti-Polish campaign. It was at this time that the state-controlled Neues Deutschland newspaper used the insulting term “Pollack” to depict the Polish people. In 1988 a hit pop song passed the all-pervasive censorship, in which could be heard: “I've just come from East Berlin's big department store, and have to tell you the shelves are bare. Everywhere on the steps and benches sit Poles with their relatives.”

In the 1980s, the first press reports appeared about right-wing skinhead gangs in the GDR, who were officially called Rowdys (hooligans). The Junge Welt newspaper reported in 1987 on a criminal trial: “During the commotion the Rowdys again and again shouted slogans from the Nazi period, which is a punishable offence in the GDR, where fascism has been exterminated with all its roots.”

The skinheads' activities were directed against Jewish memorials and cemeteries, and in October 1987 were also directed against a meeting of oppositionists and Punks in East Berlin's Zion Church. Because of this attack, André Riechert, the son of a Stasi (State Security Service) major responsible for the department dealing with “right-wing extremism”, was arrested and sentenced. In 1990, Riechert was joint founder and press spokesman of the neo-fascist National Alternative (NA), which has since been banned. Riechert personifies the fact that nationalism in East Germany comes from the loins of the ruling bureaucracy—and he is not the only one.

The thesis of collective guilt

The authors of the Potsdam theses correctly see a cause for today's xenophobic tendencies in the nationalism that was official doctrine in the GDR. However, they misjudge the political motives that induced the GDR leadership to follow this course, and consequently arrive at completely false conclusions.

They claim that after the defeat of the Nazi regime “racist, nationalist and anti-Bolshevik stereotypes spread by Nazi propaganda” were very common in the German population, and accuse the SED of insufficiently considering this in its propaganda: “Instead of openly speaking about the period of National Socialism, for forty years they tried to imbue the population of the GDR with the minority perspective of the communist resistance fighters, who radically opposed National Socialism. The majority of Germans had experienced the Nazi dictatorship either as supporters or fellow travellers, so that already at this early period a gap developed between the experiences and views of the people and the propaganda of the SED.”

In this way, either consciously or unconsciously, they adopt the central thesis with which the Soviet authorities and the SED justified their own politics: the thesis of the “collective guilt” of the German people, according to which the vast majority of the German population supported Hitler and his politics. This thesis served two purposes: on the one hand it diverted attention from the Stalinists' own responsibility for Hitler's ascent and stifled any criticism of Stalinism, while on the other hand it justified the Soviet policy of occupation and disassembly of machines and factories in the East, which were then shipped back to the USSR as reparations.

Historically, the theory of collective guilt does not hold water. As long as they were able to express their will more or less freely in elections, the “majority of the Germans” rejected National Socialism. Millions of workers not only gave the KPD (Communist Party) and the SPD (Social Democratic Party) their votes, they were ready to combat the fascist danger with arms in hand. In the long run, Hitler owed his victory to the failure of the two great workers' parties—the SPD, which entrenched itself behind the bourgeois state and its institutions, and the KPD, which under Stalin's influence sabotaged the formation of a united front against the Nazis.

After 1933, the failure of the workers' parties and the immediate use of widespread terror by the Nazis, nipping all opposition in the bud, made it almost impossible to offer any systematic resistance. Therefore many workers behaved passively or were active only in small circles. To conclude from this, however, that in the twelve years of their rule the Nazis had won over the majority of the population to their side is absurd. Following the capitulation of Nazi Germany, anti-fascist committees spontaneously sprang up everywhere, and were usually led by ordinary members of the KPD or the SPD who took the business of reconstruction in hand.

The nationalist course of the SED was directed against this spontaneous anti-fascism. Numerous historical records and personal memoirs show how they systematically dissolved these spontaneous committees and factory councils and replaced them with bodies in which bourgeois politicians were strongly represented.

One of the most vivid descriptions of this can be found in Wolfgang Leonhard's book Child of the Revolution. As a member of the Ulbricht group, Leonhard was directly involved in the dissolution of the workers' committees. Leonhard does not leave the slightest doubt about the meaning of these measures: “Stalinism cannot permit anti-fascist, socialist and communist movements or organizations to develop through independent initiative from below, because this would always run the risk of escaping its control and being turned against directives from above. The dissolution of the anti-fascist committees was therefore nothing other than the destruction of the first beginnings of a powerful, independent anti-fascist and socialist movement. It was the first victory of the apparatus over the independent anti-fascist movement of left-leaning layers in Germany.”

Stalinism and nationalism

In order to understand the full significance of the nationalist course of the SED one must go back to the origins of Stalinism in the Soviet Union of the 1920s. At that time, the international character of the socialist revolution was the focal point of the dispute between the Stalin faction and the Trotskyist Left Opposition. Stalin's view that socialism could be constructed in a single country meant a complete break with the previous internationalist outlook of Marxism.

It was not only a theoretical question. Stalin's nationalist course corresponded to the needs of the emerging bureaucracy within the state and party, which was developing into a privileged caste and felt threatened by every new revolutionary tremor—both abroad and at home. Moreover, it found a response among backward elements, who were steeped in the traditions of Great Russian chauvinism, and which the bureaucracy needed as a social support in their fight against the Marxist opposition. In short, nationalism served the bureaucracy as an ideological and political weapon against the socialist strivings of the working class.

Stalin's ascent went hand in hand with the consolidation of power by the bureaucracy and culminated in 1937 in the physical destruction of a whole generation of revolutionary Marxists. On an international level as well, Stalinism played an increasingly open counter-revolutionary role. In the Spanish Civil War the Stalinist secret police carried out savage attacks behind the front against the most revolutionary elements, and thereby enabled Franco's victory.

After the Second World War, the Kremlin's foreign policy was determined by the social needs of the bureaucracy, which wanted two things above all: security and quiescence. The establishment of a belt of buffer states in Eastern Europe, whose governments were directly dependent on Moscow, served their security interests. Quiescence was achieved through the strangling of all initiatives from below that, in the manner of the revolutionary eruptions that followed the First World War, threatened to shake the new international status quo.

In Italy and France the mass Communist parties, in accordance with Soviet foreign policy, entered governments and helped stabilize bourgeois rule. In Eastern Europe, where the Stalinists held power, every independent activity of the masses was suppressed by force. The more the contradictions between the population and the Stalinist rulers intensified, the more the latter relied directly upon nationalist elements. In the GDR the rehabilitation of former NSDAP members went hand in hand with the suppression of the workers' rebellion of June 1953.

Originally Stalin had not planned to extend the Soviet model to Eastern Europe and carry out large-scale expropriations. This took place only when the US-led Cold War placed the Stalinist regime under increasing pressure. Immediately after the war, in the Soviet-occupied part of Germany, expropriations were limited to property belonging to the big landowners—the Junkers—as well as to large-scale and heavy industry that was the property either of the German state, of National Socialist organizations or of war criminals. At a time when the direct role of German business in aiding Hitler's ascent was generally known, these measures enjoyed a large degree of popularity. In the eastern German state of Saxony, 77 percent of the population voted for the expropriation of all war criminals without compensation in a referendum held in 1946.

To a large extent the reputation of the GDR as an “anti-fascist state” rested on these expropriations. In contrast to the Federal Republic, where the property of Hitler's backers remained untouched, in the GDR the material basis was withdrawn from the most important social supports of the Nazi regime. The Junkers and officer caste, whose lands were predominantly in eastern Germany and present-day areas of Poland and Russia, had formed the backbone of extreme political reaction in Germany for over one hundred years—from the suppression of the 1848 democratic revolution, to the empires of Bismarck and Kaiser Wilhelm, to the Weimar Republic—and contributed substantially to Hitler's rise to power.

But if one poses the question today, what carried more weight historically—the expropriations and nationalisations or the suppression of every independent initiative of the working class—the answer is clear. A socialist society can only be constructed by utilising the creative initiative of the masses. The SED's systematic suppression of every independent political movement disarmed the working class politically and ideologically. This not only sealed the fate of the GDR and opened the way for the eventual return of capitalism to the east of Germany, but also left the working class without any mass organizational or ideological basis to effectively oppose the non-stop attack on jobs, wages and past social achievements that has accompanied capitalist reunification.

This history reveals the deeper causes for the rise of fascist currents today. Fascism, as historical experience shows, wins support among devastated layers of society when the working class proves incapable of showing them a way out of the social dead end. Because the workers' movement has as yet been unable to advance its own response to the social crisis, xenophobia and neo-fascism prosper on the socially and ideologically fertile soil that the GDR left behind.

The fight against fascism therefore coincides with the fight against a social development driving ever-broader layers into unemployment, poverty and fear for their existence. It requires a political re-orientation of the workers' movement. The socialist traditions that Stalinism trampled underfoot—international solidarity and social equality—must be revived.

The authors of the Potsdam theses arrive at a completely different conclusion. “We plead,” they write, “for the state to clearly act to implement human rights for foreigners even in a conflict with the native population.” The state is thus to defend “democracy” against the population! Doesn't this remind one suspiciously of the GDR? At the same time, they reject a struggle for social equality: “The attempt to achieve an all-round harmonisation takes away society's dynamic and leads to the dead end in which the GDR finished up.”

http://www.wsws.org/articles/2000/sep2000/germ-s13.shtml

I really doubt that ther are any schools in the former East Germany who's cafeteria contains so many brown tennis balls with black fuzz:

Ich zweifel daran, ob es gibt sogar eine Schule wo die Speißesaal so viele braune Tennisbälle mit schwarzem Fell, in der ehemaligen DDR, geben wurden:

http://i4.photobucket.com/albums/y113/Tuerkenjaeger/trivialistschool.jpg

braune Tennisbälle mit schwarzem Fell, in der ehemaligen DDR, geben wurden:


LOL

Niemals hat es so "braun" in der DDR ausgesehen (ganz schön doppeldeutig ;) ), es gab ganze Städte und fast alle kleineren Orte die nur rein-deutsch waren. Und hätte die DDR fortexistiert wäre es noch lange Zeit so geblieben. Jetzt strömen ja die Ausländer nur so hinein.

In den Bericht wird gesagt das es in der DDR bis zu 100.000 Vertragsarbeiter auf Zeit gab aus sozialistischen "Bruderländern" Asiens und Afrikas aber sobald z.B. eine Vietnamesin Schwanger wurde, wurde sie sofort nach Hause geschickt. Multikulti war nicht erwünscht und die wenigen Ausländer die bleiben durften mussten sich total anpassen.
Rassenvermischung von DDR-Bürgern mit Fremdrassigen wurde zugelassen, der Grund warum die DDR-Bevölkerung so homogen deutsch blieb war die Abschottung vom Liberalismus und Kapitalismus des Westens und das nicht zulassen von Multikulti, das hätte den sozialistischen Staat, die Innere Sicherheit gefährden und das zusammenleben können. Diese BRD dagegen braucht diese Innere Unruhe, die "bunte Bevölkerung", damit sich das deutsche Volk nicht einmal einig wird wie in der Wende von 1989 als die SED-Diktatur gestürzt wurde. Das war nur möglich weil der SED ein ethnisch reines Volk das Widerstand leistete gegenüberstand und davor hat das BRD-Regime Angst, dass es ihnen nämlich genauso geht und unter anderem auch deshalb treiben sie die Überfremdung Deutschlands so voran.

Ok a quick summary of the points made about the GDR and the neonazis in the documentary.

1) One of the reasons the GDR establishment could not comprehend the existance of neonazis amongst its youth was its own marxist ideology. Fascism is an extreme form of capitalism. Capitaslists spend huge amounts of money to support fascist causes in order to secure their exploitation or even increase it.

But in the GDR there existed no capitalism and no capitalists. It could not explain the existance of neonazis among its youth and in the end put the blame on western influences. The GDR was a prisoner of its own ideology.

2)The GDR society was extremely racist and xenophobic. Only very few foreign guest-workers were let in during its 40-years of existance. And any contact with the german population was clearly not wanted. The foreigners were housed in ghettos and were seldomly if ever let out. The only Germans in GDR who actually met them and saw them on a regular basis were the German co-workers.

The procreation of foreigners was also not wanted. Vietnamese women who got pregnant for example were immediately send back to Vietnam. The policy of the communist goverment of east Germany one could say was sometimes even more racist than that of the 3. Reich.

3) The young neonazis of the GDR although fiercely opposed the establishment had adopted many of its propagated ideals and virtues. Old prussian virtues like discipline ,orderliness ,industriousness etc. In th end they viewed everyone who opposed these values ,as is the case with the punk movement and other liberal subcultures, as an enemy to the german people.

Ok für all jene die die Doku am Donnerstag verpasst haben und sie noch nicht gesehen haben :

http://img388.imageshack.us/img388/7627/frontkk2.jpg

http://doku.cc/?p=2607

PW : doku.dl.am

Auf der Seite hab ich noch ne zweite interessante Doku gefunden. Kurz und für jedermann verständlich wird das Bank und Zinssystem erklärt :

http://bildupload.sro.at/a/images/geld_screen.jpg

http://doku.cc/?p=2534

Auch hier PW : doku.dl.am