2000 years ago, a group of freaks who had scientiphical knowledge about human brians managed to gain ocontrol over the Roman Empire.

The sad fat is, that human brian is easily hypnotized by night, as it obviously very easy to plagiarize and to fuck up.

The group of crazy assholes managed to fuck up the brains of som epowerful people inside the Roman EMpire power room.

After they drove the powerful generals to conquer evrybody around and silidify the ROman Empire, they also managed to ensdslave a lot of females and made them prostitutes, who gave birth to a legion of sons and dothers of bithches.

AFter these ashsole conquered the whole ROman Empire, they invented religion, which was divided in three parts, like Christianism, Gudaism and Musulmanism.

The religion allowed these fucking assholes to kill and rule every person in Europe and Middle East.

After the powr of Religion ceased and people understood thta is was invented by fery fucked up people, the same assholes inveneted another conspiracy agains human kind of good will: Capitalism, Communism and Nazi - Fascism.

UNtil the end of the 20 th century people were not hating themselves not anymore by religious bullshit, bu socially engineered bullshit.

All of this could have destroyed the whole human race if it was not for the AMerican United States which was built on heavy pseudo Republican-DEMOCRATIC FUNDAMENTS.

Of course nob ody wa sable to stop the perverts and degenerates, so right now the whole human society is ruled by these fucking freaks.

THis kind of conspiracy is called the FReaks conspiracy.

These freaks are fucking dumm and ugly.

They still need al ot of bitches in order to giuve birth to a lot of sons of bitches.

It is also èpossible tpo call them the son's of bitches conspiracy.

The totality of the design & manufacturing process is defined by implementation, and differs in detail within every manufacturing company. The following is representative of that process as viewed from within the turnkey industry.
Conceptual Design: Also sometimes called ``preliminary design'' or ``functional design,'' this stage deals not only with aesthetic issues such as styling, but with practical issues such as simulation and industrial design for manufacturability.
Paper and pencil, brush and oils, and sculptor's clay used to be the conceptual designer's tools in the automotive industry. Today, modern CAD/CAM systems provide him more and more powerful tools which free him from the necessity to create physical models.
It is here that companies such as Cognition, Aries, and Parametric Technologies have seen an opportunity to provide design engineers an entirely new way to approach the design engineering process; offering techniques which lie far beyond traditional methods and allow engineers much greater freedom to exercise their creativity.
Photorealistic rendering output is becoming an essential capability for conceptual design; it allows management to view the design as it would be manufactured, and also allows engineers to try different variations of the design without the accompanying investment in cost and time that normal prototyping techniques traditionally require.
Analysis and Refinement:
Also loosely termed CAE, or simply ``engineering,'' various high-level capabilities come under this category.
Finite Element Modeling and Analysis is performed as part of the engineering process. This stage of the process, which is intended to subject a preliminary design to real-world constraints and to iterate on that design until its behavior, given the design, is acceptable. Even within the narrow discipline of FEM/FEA, there are many specialist disciplines. These include fatigue analysis, thermal, vibration and magnetic analysis. Plastics, iso-plastics, and composites complicate the analysis. The exercise of finite-element modeling and analysis is one of the more obvious ``applications'' to which an existing design is subjected, but there are a large number of others.
Interference analysis, structure design, mass properties, adherence to safety and/or corporate standards and imposition of local codes and regulations are often all requirements for a design to be accepted, and that design generally must pass these analyses before it can be considered for manufacturing or construction.
In the design of an automobile, for example, stress analysis is an issue only for key engine or body parts. More time-consuming is the ergonomic design of windshields, instrument panels, and even seats. A new water pump must not only be efficient, and deliver so much volume of water per minute, but it must also fit comfortably within the numerous other components which comprise an engine.
Design for Manufacture:
Also termed ``design modeling,'' this is another step in ``reality design.'' Often, a so-called ``finished'' design is impractical to manufacture. Setup costs, consistency with existing manufacturing methods, or excessive complexity may preclude the consideration of an otherwise good design, causing that design to be modified.
A large number of applications exist which satisfy this requirement. The lifetime of a stamping tool, for instance, can have a significant effect on the long-term profitability of a division which manufactures press parts: this requirement alone may have an overwhelming influence on its design. In the plastic injection process, many designs are instantly made infeasible due to their inability to lend themselves to the realistic flow properties of the liquid plastic that is injected into them at high temperatures and pressures. A difference in 5% in injection and cooling time for a complex mold can make the difference between profitability and loss to an industry which works with little room to spare.
Pedestrian considerations such as the design of clamps to hold parts while they are machined, and machine-to-fit tolerances given the practical availability of real machine tools are make-or-break decisions for a manager to make.
Included within this area are assembly verification, component design, and electro/mechanical design.
Drafting and Documentation:
This is the world of AutoCAD, yet this area represents but a small part of the turnkey vendor's CAD/CAM universe.
Detail drafting represents no more than one-third of the requirement here. Technical illustration, schematics, and layout are equally important.
Before the days of geometrical models, detail drafting used to represent the ``meat'' of practical design. Due to the significant limitations of current turnkey design systems, much of detail drafting may never appear on a geometric model.
For example, fillets and chamfers may appear only as ``features'' on models and may never be represented as actual geometric constructs. As a practical issue, it is far easier to represent a fillet by a symbol on a drawing, and then to cut it with a single path of a ball-end mill, than to go through the difficult mathematics required to represent it geometrically. This is something which practical designers know and make use of.
Other aspects of the detail drafting process have to do with what we regard as ``drawing creation,'' and are intended to aid the ultimate downstream machining process. Surface finish characteristics, tolerance limits, detail magnification, and other aspects of detail drafting are not part of the geometrical model, yet become part of the total representation of the design by virtue of the fact that draftsmen, at least within the turnkey system, can access the original model and work directly upon a local representation of it, even though they are not allowed to modify it. Thus, draftsmen can be specialists in drafting and drawing creation, without having to be expert designers too.
Toolpath Creation & Machining:
Also termed ``manufacturing engineering,'' this phase of the process is one of the most complex and demanding. Composed equally of ``manufacturing preparation'' and ``manufacturing simulation,'' most companies spend the bulk of their CAD/CAM budget here.
Manufacturing preparation includes pattern nesting, tool design, fixture design, sheet metal development, manufacturing quality control analysis, and the actual NC programming itself.
Manufacturing simulation includes coordinate measuring machines, NC flame cutting, off-line robotics, NC tube bending, wire EDM, milling, drilling, routing, flame cutting, turning, and the important area of NC toolpath verification.
Although machining is essentially performed directly off the model geometry, it is by no means as ``automatic'' as the descriptions of it tend to imply. N/C is still more art than science, and even old-fashioned techniques of creating machined parts have not disappeared.
Creation of geometry is often the simplest aspect of the N/C process. Due to limitations in the algorithms which the turnkey vendors provide, ``work-arounds'' always have to be provided, including the ability of the user to directly edit the tool path which is being generated.
Toolpath simulation is intended to allow the user to see the form of the finished part that will come out of the machining process, and to correct any problems which are observed. The development and maintenance of postprocessors, which translate geometric toolpath descriptions into a language which each machine tool understands, is an industry in itself.

The current structure of capital ownership and organization of production in our so-called "market" economy, reflects coercive state intervention prior to and extraneous to the market. From the outset of the industrial revolution, what is nostalgically called "laissez-faire" was in fact a system of continuing state intervention to subsidize accumulation, guarantee privilege, and maintain work discipline.
Most such intervention is tacitly assumed by mainstream right-libertarians as part of a "market" system. Although a few intellectually honest ones like Rothbard and Hess were willing to look into the role of coercion in creating capitalism, the Chicago school and Randoids take existing property relations and class power as a given. Their ideal "free market" is merely the current system minus the progressive regulatory and welfare state--i.e., nineteenth century robber baron capitalism.
But genuine markets have a value for the libertarian left, and we shouldn't concede the term to our enemies. In fact, capitalism--a system of power in which ownership and control are divorced from labor--could not survive in a free market. As a mutualist anarchist, I believe that expropriation of surplus value--i.e., capitalism--cannot occur without state coercion to maintain the privilege of usurer, landlord, and capitalist. It was for this reason that the free market mutualist Benjamin Tucker--from whom right-libertarians selectively borrow--regarded himself as a libertarian socialist.
It is beyond my ability or purpose here to describe a world where a true market system could have developed without such state intervention. A world in which peasants had held onto their land and property was widely distributed, capital was freely available to laborers through mutual banks, productive technology was freely available in every country without patents, and every people was free to develop locally without colonial robbery, is beyond our imagination. But it would have been a world of decentralized, small-scale production for local use, owned and controlled by those who did the work--as different from our world as day from night, or freedom from slavery.
THE SUBSIDY OF HISTORY Accordingly, the single biggest subsidy to modern corporate capitalism is the subsidy of history, by which capital was originally accumulated in a few hands, and labor was deprived of access to the means of production and forced to sell itself on the buyer's terms. The current system of concentrated capital ownership and large-scale corporate organization is the direct beneficiary of that original structure of power and property ownership, which has perpetuated itself over the centuries.
For capitalism as we know it to come about, it was essential first of all for labor to be separated from property. Marxians and other radical economists commonly refer to the process as "primitive accumulation." "What the capitalist system demanded was... a degraded and almost servile condition of the mass of the people, the transformation of them into mercenaries, and of their means of labor into capital." That meant expropriating the land, "to which the [peasantry] has the same feudal rights as the lord himself." [Marx, "Chapter 27: The Expropriation," Capital vol. 1]
To grasp the enormity of the process, we must understand that the nobility's rights in land under the manorial economy were entirely a feudal legal fiction deriving from conquest. The peasants who cultivated the land of England in 1650 were descendants of those who had occupied it since time immemorial. By any standard of morality, it was their property in every sense of the word. The armies of William the Conqueror, by no right other than force, had compelled these peasant proprietors to pay rent on their own land.
J. L. and Barbara Hammond treated the sixteenth century village and open field system as a survival of the free peasant society of Anglo-Saxon times, with landlordism superimposed on it. The gentry saw surviving peasant rights as a hindrance to progress and efficient farming; a revolution in their own power was a way of breaking peasant resistance. Hence the agricultural community was "taken to pieces ... and reconstructed in the manner in which a dictator reconstructs a free government." [The Village Labourer 27-28, 35-36].
When the Tudors gave expropriated monastic lands to the nobility, the latter "drove out, en masse, the hereditary sub tenants and threw their holdings into one." [Marx, "The Expropriation"]. This stolen land, about a fifth of the arable land of England, was the first large-scale expropriation of the peasantry.
Another major theft of peasant land was the "reform" of land law by the seventeenth century Restoration Parliament. The aristocracy abolished feudal tenures and converted their own estate in the land, until then "only a feudal title," into "rights of modern private property." In the process, they abolished the tenure rights of copyholders. Copyholders were de jure tenants under feudal law, but once they paid a negligible quit-rent fixed by custom, the land was theirs to sell or bequeath. In substance copyhold tenure was a manorial equivalent of freehold; but since it derived from custom it was enforceable only in the manor courts. Under the "reform," tenants in copyhold became tenants at-will, who could be evicted or charged whatever rent their lord saw fit [Marx, "The Expropriation..."].
Another form of expropriation, which began in late medieval times and increased drastically in the eighteenth century, was the enclosure of commons--in which, again, the peasants communally had as absolute a right of property as any defended by today's "property rights" advocates. Not counting enclosures before 1700, the Hammonds estimated total enclosures in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries at a sixth or a fifth of the arable land in England [Village Labourer 42]. E. J. Hobsbawm and George Rude estimated enclosures between 1750 and 1850 alone as transforming "something like one quarter of the cultivated acreage from open field, common land, meadow or waste into private fields...." [Captain Swing 27].
The ruling classes saw the peasants' right in commons as a source of economic independence from capitalist and landlord, and thus a threat to be destroyed. Enclosure eliminated "a dangerous centre of indiscipline" and compelled workers to sell their labor on the masters' terms. Arthur Young, a Lincolnshire gentleman, described the commons as "a breeding-ground for 'barbarians,' 'nursing up a mischievous race of people'." "[E]very one but an idiot knows," he wrote, "that the lower classes must be kept poor, or they will never be industrious." The Commercial and Agricultural Magazine warned in 1800 that leaving the laborer "possessed of more land than his family can cultivate in the evenings" meant that "the farmer can no longer depend on him for constant work." [Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class, 219-220, 358]. Sir Richard Price commented on the conversion of self-sufficient proprietors into "a body of men who earn their subsistence by working for others." There would, "perhaps, be more labour, because there will be more compulsion to it." [Marx, "The Expropriation...."].Marx cited parliamentary "acts of enclosure" as evidence that the commons, far from being the "private property of the great landlords who have taken the place of the feudal lords," actually required "a parliamentary coup d'etat... for its transformation into private property." ["The Expropriation...."]. The process of primitive accumulation, in all its brutality, was summed up by the same author:these new freedmen [i.e. former serfs] became sellers of themselves only after they had been robbed of all their own means of production, and of all the guarantees of existence afforded by the old feudal arrangements. And the history of this, their expropriation, is written in the annals of mankind in letters of blood and fire ["Chapter 26: The Secret of Primitive Accumulation," Capital Vol. 1].Even then, the working class was not sufficiently powerless. The state had to regulate the movement of labor, serve as a labor exchange on behalf of capitalists, and maintain order. The system of parish regulation of the movement of people, under the poor laws and vagrancy laws, resembled the internal passport system of South Africa, or the reconstruction era Black Codes. It "had the same effect on the English agricultural labourer," Marx wrote, "as the edict of the Tartar Boris Godunov on the Russian peasantry." ["The Expropriation..."] Adam Smith ventured that there was "scarce a poor man in England of forty years of age... who has not in some part of his life felt himself most cruelly oppressed by this ill-contrived law of settlements [Wealth of Nations 61].The state maintained work discipline by keeping laborers from voting with their feet. It was hard to persuade parish authorities to grant a man a certificate entitling him to move to another parish to seek work. Workers were forced to stay put and bargain for work in a buyer's market [Smith 60-61].At first glance this would seem to be inconvenient for parishes with a labor shortage [Smith 60]. Factories were built at sources of water power, generally removed from centers of population. Thousands of workers were needed to be imported from far away. But the state saved the day by setting itself up as a middleman in providing labor-poor parishes with cheap surplus labor from elsewhere, depriving workers of the ability to bargain for better terms. A considerable trade arose in child laborers who were in no position to bargain in any case [the Hammonds, The Town Labourer 1:146].Relief "was seldom bestowed without the parish claiming the exclusive right of disposing, at their pleasure, of all the children of the person receiving relief," in the words of the Committee on Parish Apprentices, 1815 [the Hammonds, Town Labourer 1:44, 147]. Even when Poor Law commissioners encouraged migration to labor-poor parishes, they discouraged adult men and "Preference was given to 'widows with large families of children or handicraftsmen... with large families.'" In addition, the availability of cheap labor from the poor-law commissioners was deliberately used to drive down wages; farmers would discharge their own day-laborers and instead apply to the overseer for help [Thompson 223-224].Although the Combination Laws theoretically applied to masters as well as workmen, in practice they were not enforced against the latter [Smith 61; the Hammonds, Town Labourer 1:74]. "A Journeyman Cotton Spinner"--a pamphleteer quoted by E. P. Thompson [pp. 199-202]--described "an abominable combination existing amongst the masters," in which workers who had left their masters because of disagreement over wages were effectively blacklisted. The Combination Laws required suspects to answer interrogations on oath, empowered magistrates to give summary judgment, and allowed summary forfeiture of funds accumulated to aid the families of strikers [Town Labourer 123-127]. And the laws setting maximum rates of pay amounted to a state enforced system of combination for the masters. As Adam Smith put it, "[w]henever the legislature attempts to regulate the differences between the masters and their workmen, its counsellors are always the masters." [p. 61].The working class lifestyle under the factory system, with its new forms of social control, was a radical break with the past. It involved drastic loss of control over their own work. The seventeenth century work calendar was still heavily influenced by medieval custom.

GEN. I am the very model of a modern Major-General,
I've information vegetable, animal, and mineral,
I know the kings of England, and I quote the fights historical
From Marathon to Waterloo, in order categorical;
I'm very well acquainted, too, with matters mathematical,
I understand equations, both the simple and quadratical,
About binomial theorem I'm teeming with a lot o' news ?
With many cheerful facts about the square of the hypotenuse.

ALL. With many cheerful facts, etc.

GEN. I'm very good at integral and differential calculus;
I know the scientific names of beings animalculous:
In short, in matters vegetable, animal, and mineral,
I am the very model of a modern Major-General.

ALL. In short, in matters vegetable, animal, and mineral,
He is the very model of a modern Major-General.

GEN. I know our mythic history, King Arthur's and Sir Caradoc's;
I answer hard acrostics, I've a pretty taste for paradox,
I quote in elegiacs all the crimes of Heliogabalus,
In conics I can floor peculiarities parabolous;
I can tell undoubted Raphaels from Gerard Dows and Zoffanies,
I know the croaking chorus from the Frogs of Aristophanes!
Then I can hum a fugue of which I've heard the music's din afore,
And whistle all the airs from that infernal nonsense Pinafore.

ALL. And whistle all the airs, etc.

GEN. Then I can write a washing bill in Babylonic cuneiform,
And tell you every detail of Caractacus's uniform:
In short, in matters vegetable, animal, and mineral,
I am the very model of a modern Major-General.

ALL. In short, in matters vegetable, animal, and mineral,
He is the very model of a modern Major-General.

GEN. In fact, when I know what is meant by "mamelon" and "ravelin",
When I can tell at sight a Mauser rifle from a javelin,
When such affairs as sorties and surprises I'm more wary at,
And when I know precisely what is meant by "commissariat",
When I have learnt what progress has been made in modern gunnery,
When I know more of tactics than a novice in a nunnery;
In short, when I've a smattering of elemental strategy,
You'll say a better Major-General has never sat a gee.

ALL. You'll say a better Major-General, etc.

GEN. For my military knowledge, though I'm plucky and adventury,
Has only been brought down to the beginning of the century;
But still, in matters vegetable, animal, and mineral,
I am the very model of a modern Major-General.

ALL. But still, in matters vegetable, animal, and mineral,
He is the very model of a modern Major-General.

So much for my intended holiday.